An Insane Act By The Nepal Government

An Insane Act

Response 1

Here is what Nepal Government is saying - individuals and spontaneously organizing civic movements shouldn't help their neighbors in need unless Nepal Government approves of it. Waste resources to pay customs and other duties and wait for a month - and GoN verification - before you can put that money to better use.

http://mof.gov.np/uploads/news/file/press%20release_20150501060225.pdf

Why is Nepal Government so fucking stupid???

Response 2

The Government and the bureaucracy, that was so efficient that it gave us 6 hrs electricity, no water in taps, no food before the earthquake now thinks that it can coordinate rapid relief through the CDO office, the same office that takes a month to give a passport. I think if we just give 10% of everything thats coming to the respective political parties they will let us do everything. I hope this Government realizes where all the energy, effort and anger will be directed, if due to their actions, all the citizens that are mobilizing for relief are stopped. Its never going to be normal.

I think there is enough supplies just at the Kathmandu airport that if it were to be lifted and airdropped immediately, there might be enough food in the affected areas for four weeks, there might be enough tents. But the Nepal government wants four weeks just to do its paperwork! Just get out of the way! Is all it takes.

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अमरकान्त झाको आठ प्रदेशको प्रस्ताव: The Best So Far

तीनै समुह (तराईका मधेसी, पहाडका जनजाति र काँग्रेस-एमालेका बाहुन) ख़ुशी पार्ने फोर्मुला: तीन राज्य, २५ प्रदेश

आठ प्रदेशको प्रस्ताव by प्रा. अमरकान्त झा

समग्र जनसंख्यामध्ये पहाडी उच्चजाति (बाहुन र क्षत्री) को जनसंख्या ३१.६ तर उच्च पदमा ६६.५ र नेवारको जनसंख्या ५.६ तर उच्च पदमा १५.२ रहेकाले पहाडी उच्च्ा जाति र नेवारले राष्ट्रिय पद्धतिका ८१.७ प्रतिशत उच्च पदका लाभ प्राप्त गरेका छन् । जनजातिको जनसंख्या २२.२ तर उच्च पदमा मात्र ७.१, मधेसीको जनसंख्या ३०.९ तर उच्च पदमा मात्र ११.२ एवं दलितको जनसंख्या ८.७ तर उच्च पदमा ०.३ प्रतिशत न्युन स्थानमा रही (गोविन्द न्यौपानेको अध्ययन, सन् २०००) यी उपेक्षित समूहहरू राष्ट्रिय पद्धतिबाट लगभग बहिष्कृत रहेका देखिन्छन् । ...... प्रस्तावित सात प्रदेशहरूको सन् २०११ को जनगणनाअनुसार, जनसंख्यिक स्थिति पूर्वका १४ जिल्लाहरू सम्मिलित कोशी प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जाति (बाहुन, क्षत्री र ठकुरी) को जनसंख्या १२,२४,७०२ र राई-लिम्बुको जनसंख्या ८,८०,२२२) वागमती प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जातिको जनसंख्या २०,०५,२१७)र नेवार-तामाङको जनसंख्या २०,६४,६५२) जनकपुर प्रदेशमा मैथिलीभाषी २४,४७,९७८, भोजपुरीभाषी १०,०३,८६३ र नेपालीभाषी ३,६०,२३६) र लुम्बिनी प्रदेशमा नेपालीभाषी १४,००,२७६ र थारुभाषी ६,३०,२८९, भोजपुरीभाषी ५,१२,३३३ एवं अवधीभाषी ४,९८,१४४ छन् भने पहाडी उच्च जातिको जनसंख्या ८,६७,५७६ र थारु जातिको जनसंख्या ७,१८,२४३ रहेको देखिन्छ । त्यस्तै गण्डकी प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जातिको जनसंख्या १०,२६,११३ र मगर-गुरुङको जनसंख्या ८,६२,३१६)कर्णाली प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जाति ११,२३,६७७ र दलित ४,०४,९४३ एवं सुदूर पश्चिम प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जाति १३,५०,१९३, थारु ४,३९,२५८ र दलित ४,२५,६४८ जनसंख्या रहेको पाइन्छ । यसरी पाँचवटा प्रदेशहरू- कोशी, लुम्बिनी, गण्डकी, कर्णाली र सुदूर पश्चिम प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जातिको बहुसंख्या रहेकाले अन्य जाति, जनजाति र तराई-मधेसवासीहरूमा उत्पीडन बढै जाने सुनिश्चित छ । वागमती प्रदेशमा नेवार-तामाङको तुलनामा पहाडी उच्च जातिमात्र थोरै संख्यामा पछाडि रहे पनि एकछत्र शासन रहेकोले यस प्रदेशमा पनि उच्च जातिको बर्चस्व रहनेछ । त्यस्तै जनकपुर प्रदेशमा मात्र तराई-मधेसवासीको आधिपत्य रहने भई तराईका अन्य भागमा उनीहरूको भेदभाव कायमै रहनेछ । ....... यो साझा प्रस्ताव दोषपूर्ण यसकारणले छ भने तराईका पूर्व, मध्य र पश्चिम क्षेत्रलाई संघीय सिद्धान्त विपरीत भौगोलिक 'एकरूपता'लाई नष्ट गरी पहाडसँग जोडिएको छ, जसबाट तराईका भाषिक क्षेत्रहरू खण्डित भएका छन् भने हिमाल-पहाडका जनजाति बाहुल्य पनि नराम्रो ढंगले प्रभावित भएका छन् । यी सात प्रदेशको साझा प्रस्तावबाट वास्तवमा 'पहिचान भेटिने र द्वन्द्व मेटिने' स्थिति नभई २४० वर्षदेखि रहेको विभेदलाई निरन्तरता दिनेछ । तसर्थ यो साझा प्रस्ताव ६१.८ प्रतिशत उपेक्षित समूहहरूबाट स्वीकारयोग्य देखिँदैन । ....... त्यस्तै एमाओवादीले आफनो घोषणापत्रमा तराईमा तीन र हिमाल-पहाडमा एकल जातीय पहिचानको आधारमा ८ गरी ११ वटा प्रदेशको अवधारणा प्रस्तुत गरेको छ । मात्र जातीय एवं क्षेत्रीय उत्पीडनको आधारमा प्रदेशहरूको निर्माणको पक्षधर रहेको र भाषिक उत्पीडनलाई नजरअन्दाज गरेकोले यस दलको संघीय अवधारणा एकपक्षीय र अपूर्ण देखिन्छ । विश्वमा संघीयताको सर्वमान्य प्रमुख आधार भाषा रहेको ...... मध्यदेश आयावर्त्तको केन्द्रीय भाग रहेको खास भौगोलिक क्षेत्र थियो, जसको स्थापित सिमांकन दिल्लीदेखि इलाहावाद (प्रयाग) सम्म एवं हिमालयको तल्लो भागदेखि विन्ध्याञ्चल पर्वतसम्म थियो । यस्तोमा कपिलवस्तुदेखि पश्चिमका तराई क्षेत्र मध्यदेशमा थियो भने रूपन्देही (भोजपुरी क्षेत्र) सहित मैथिलीभाषी क्षेत्र मध्यदेशको क्षेत्रबाहिर पर्ने ....... पहिचानमा आधारित समग्र मधेस- एक प्रदेशको सैद्धान्तिक धरातल पनि कमजोर देखिन्छ । ...... वास्तवमा शोषित-पीडित मूल तराईवासीलाई 'मधेसी' सम्बोधन स्वयम् मध्यदेशबाट पलायन भएका शाहवंशी एवं राणा शासकहरूद्वारा भएको पाइन्छ । जसरी हजारौं वर्षदेखि काठमाडौं उपत्यकालाई नेपाल भनिन्थ्यो, तर पृथ्वीनारायण शाहको एकीकरण अभियान अन्तर्गत तराई, हिमाल र पहाडका विजित सम्पूर्ण भूभागलाई एउटा राष्ट्रको रूपमा 'नेपाल' नाम दिइयो, त्यसैगरी मध्यदेश अन्तर्गत पर्ने गोरखाभन्दा दक्षिण-पश्चिमका तराई भूभागलाई 'मदेश' भनिनेबाट एकीकरणपश्चात पूर्वीय तराईसमेतलाई 'मदेश' शब्दवाट सम्बोधन हुनगएको ......... मूल तराईवासीलाई भ्रामक पहिचानको आधारमा एक वा दुइटा ठूलो प्रदेशको निर्माणबाट नभई यिनीहरूबीच विद्यमान जीवन्त भाषिक, सांस्कृतिक, आदि विविधतापूर्ण पहिचानको आधारमा बहुप्रदेशको निर्माण नै सार्थक उपाय हुनसक्छ । ......... देशको विविधतालाई दृष्टिगत गरी तराईमा बहुपहिचानयुक्त भाषिक एवं हिमाल-पहाडमा बहुपहिचानयुक्त जातीय सघनता र सामथ्र्यको आधारमा ४-४ गरी आठवटा प्रदेशको निर्माण जनसांख्यिक सन्तुलनका साथ उपेक्षित समूहहरूको सत्तामा पहुँच पुग्ने ढंगबाट गर्न सकिन्छ । .........

तराईको सप्तरीदेखि बाराको सिम्रौनगढसम्म मिथिला राज्य र यसको राजधानी जनकपुर एवं नेपालीबाहेक मैथिली (२३,९१,०२० मातृभाषी) र वज्जिका (७,९१,२१७ मातृभाषी) लाई सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा राख्नुपर्छ । मध्यकालीन स्वतन्त्र, गौरवशाली, मिथिलाको राजधानी सिम्रौनगढ रहेकोले मिथिला राज्य अन्तर्गत समावेश गर्नुपर्छ । ......... बारा (सिम्रौनगढ क्षेत्रबाहेक), पर्सा र यस छेउका चितवनका अयोध्यापुरी, कल्याणपुर, बगौडा र गर्दी गरी चार गाविससहित चितवन राष्ट्रिय निकुञ्जका केही दक्षिण-पश्चिमी भाग, नवलपरासी एवं रूपन्देहीसम्ममा भोजपुरा राज्य र यसको राजधानी वीरगन्ज तथा नेपालीबाहेक भोजपुरी (१४,७४,८०२ मातृभाषी) एवं मध्यथारु (२,०२,८४० मातृभाषी) सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा हुनेछन् । खण्डित रहेका बारादेखि नवलपरासी (१,८६,८४० भोजपुरी भाषी) र रूपन्देही (३,२२,०६७ भोजपुरी भाषी) सम्मका भोजपुरी क्षेत्रलाई चितवनका उपर्युक्त क्षेत्र सामिल गरी एकीकृत गर्नु जरुरी हुन्छ । ........... त्यस्तै कपिलवस्तुदेखि कञ्चनपुरसम्म थारुवान/अवधी-थारुवान प्रदेश र यसको राजधानी नेपालगन्ज एवं नेपालीबाहेक पश्चिमी थारु (९,४५,१६६ मातृभाषी) र अवधी -४,४१,९१० मातृभाषी) सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा हुनेछन् । मिश्रति आधारमा झापादेखि सुनसरीसम्म विराट प्रदेश र यसको राजधानी विराटनगर एवं नेपालीबाहेक मैथिली (४,८९,०५७ मातृभाषी) र पूर्वीय थारु (१,५२,७४२ मातृभाषी) सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा हुनेछन् । ................ प्रस्तावित हिमाल-पहाडको चार प्रदेशहरूमा इलाम, ताप्लेजुङदेखि सोलु, ओखलढुङ्गा र उदयपुरसम्मका ११ जिल्लाहरूमा लिम्बु-किरात प्रदेश हुने यसको राजधानी धनकुटा र सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा नेपालीबाहेक राई (४,४०,९१८ मातृभाषी) र लिम्बु (२,३०,४१८ मातृभाषी) हुनेछन् । यस प्रदेशमा लिम्बु-किरातको जनसंख्या ६,२५,०२९ छ भने पहाडी उच्च जातिको जनसंख्या ५,२७,७६० छ । ..... काठमाडौं उपत्यकासहित सिन्धुली, रामेछापदेखि नुवाकोट र चितवनसम्मका १३ जिल्लाहरूमा नेवा-ताम्वा प्रदेश हुने जुन नेका र एमालेको साझा प्रस्तावमा वागमती प्रदेश भनेर सिमाङन गरिएको छ । यसको राजधानी काठमाडांै तथा नेपालीबाहेक नेवारी/नेपाल भाषा -४,८०,०२७ मातृभाषी) र तामाङ -११,१२,८२२ मातृभाषी) सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा हुनेछन् । ..... गोरखा, लमजुङदेखि रुकुम, सल्यानसम्मका १७ जिल्लाहरूमा तमु-मगरात प्रदेश हुने, यसको राजधानी पोखरा र सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा नेपालीबाहेक मगर (२,९६,२४७ मातृभाषी) र गुरुङ (२,०७,२०१ मातृभाषी) हुनेछन् । यस प्रस्तावित प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जातिको जनसंख्या १४,५२,५४० र मगर-गुरुङको जनसंख्या ११,२५,४९८ छ । त्यस्तै सुर्खेत, जाजरकोट र डोल्पादेखि दार्चुला, डडेलधुरासम्म्ा १३ जिल्लाहरूमा खस प्रदेश र त्यसको राजधानी सुर्खेत र सरकारी कामकाजको भाषा नेपालीबाहेक डोटेली -७,८७,८२७ मातृभाषी) र बैतडेली (२,७२,५२४ मातृभाषी) हुनेछन् । यस प्रदेशमा पहाडी उच्च जातिको जनसंख्या १६,८१,५७६ र दलितको जनसंख्या ५,४२,२४५ रहेको छ ।

............... जहाँसम्म तामाङ, मगर, बज्जिका, थारु, डोटेली, बैतडेली आदि भाषाहरूको प्रशासनमा प्रयोगको कुरा छ, यी भाषाहरूको संहिताकरण गरेपछि अर्थात विस्तृत शब्दकोश र व्याकरण तयार गरेपछि मात्र प्रयोग गर्नु उचित हुनेछ । ...... भारतको मेघालयमा विभिन्न जनजातिहरूको जनसंख्या करिब ८६ प्रतिशत, नागाल्यान्डमा ८९ प्रतिशत, मिजोरममा ९४ प्रतिशत र अरुणाचल प्रदेशमा ६५ प्रतिशत छ भने त्रिपुरामा ३१, छत्तीसगढमा ३२, मणिपुरमा ३९ र झारखण्डमा मात्र २६ प्रतिशत छ । ..... यसको तुलनामा प्रस्तावित लिम्बु-किरात प्रदेशमा विभिन्न जनजातिको जनसंख्या ४४.७ र जाति-जनजातिहरूमध्ये राई (३,७८,९४७) बहुसंख्यक रहेको, नेवा-तामाङ प्रदेशमा ५३.८ प्रतिशत र जाति-जनजातिहरूमध्ये तामाङ (११,२९,३४३) बहुसंख्यक रहेको र तमु-मगरात प्रदेशमा ४०.३ प्रतिशत र जाति-जनजातिहरूमध्ये मगर (८,१५,५१०) बहुसंख्यक रहेको देखिन्छ । लिम्बु, नेवार र गुरुङको पनि आ-आफ्नो क्षेत्रमा सघन जनसंख्या रहेको पाइन्छ । यी क्षेत्रहरू जनजातिहरूको पूर्वजको स्थल/पावनभूमि पनि रहेका छन् । तर यिनीहरूको आ-आफ्नो पहिचान र इतिहास रहे पनि अतिक्रमणका सिकार भएका छन् । खालि भाषिक उत्पीडनकै कुरा गर्ने हो भने नेपाली भाषाको प्रभुत्वको कारण देशमा मगरको जनसंख्या १८,८७,७३३ मध्ये करिब ११ लाख मगरले, राईको जनसंख्या करिब ६ लाखमध्ये ४ लाख ७१ हजार राईले एवं राज्यबाट लाभान्वित रहेका नेवारको जनसंख्या १३,२१,९३३ मध्ये ४ लाख ७१ हजारले र यसैगरी अन्य जनजातिहरूमा पनि अत्यधिकले आ-आफ्नो मातृभाषा त्यागेका छन् । यसले यिनीहरूको इतिहास र पहिचान पनि गुम्ने स्थितिमा रहेको संकेत दिइन्छ । त्यसकारण सामाजिक न्याय एवं द्वन्द्व न्युनीकरण निम्ति पनि यी प्रदेशहरूको औचित्य देखिन्छ । ....... यस किसिमको संघीयताबाट सत्तामा जनताको बढीभन्दा बढी साझेदारी अभिवृद्धि हुने र राष्ट्र टुक्रिनेजस्ता भ्रामक सोच नभई सह-अस्तित्वको भावनाबाट अनेकतामा एकता कायम हुने र राष्ट्रियता एवं लोकतन्त्र पनि सुदृढ हुनेछ ।

India Skipped Landlines

English: Mobile phone evolution Русский: Эволюция мобильных телефонов (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Not long back, your average Indian did not have a phone number. Today most Indians have mobile phones. They did not go from no phone, to a landline to a mobile phone. They seem to have skipped the landline.

Nepal is writing a new constitution. And because it is writing a constitution in 2014, and not 1950 or 1777, this constitution should be cutting edge. It should be an attempt to build a better democracy than anywhere else. We might fail in that attempt. We might end up not creating something better than anywhere else. But we should try. One easy way is by not making obvious mistakes.

I talk of partyless democracy as a concept, because politicians in Nepal understand the concept. The current political class in Nepal fought against that concept for decades. They know in their bones what that is.

This new constitution should be designed in a way that the Nepali diaspora is not a loss to the country, because right now it is. Messing up the concept of dual citizenship is a very bad sign. And it is not too late to rectify.

The idea should be to rope in the entire Nepali diaspora. Most Nepalis in the diaspora are still Nepali citizens. There should be a provision to help them vote online in Nepal's national elections. Some Nepalis have become citizens of other countries. This is a tiny minority. Make it possible for them to have dual citizenship. Their Nepali citizenship should be a full citizenship. Why not? That is a brain gain idea. Nepal could use more brains, especially Nepali brains who might know a thing or two about Nepal, who might be emotionally attached to the country.

The right to self determination is a similar thing. That has to be an integral part of Nepal's federalism. That is not a tool for breaking up the country. I don't think so. That would strengthen the country. That would lead to power devolution to the state and local levels and make for a much more efficient government. That would be a good thing.

The entire debate on federalism has been about the map and the names of states. The real debate should be about power devolution. In the new Nepal how much power will the states have? How much power will the local governments have?

A good formula would be that one third of the central government budget should be handed directly to the state governments in proportion to their populations. And one third of a state's budget should be handed directly to the districts in a similar formula. And one third of the district budget should be handed over to towns and villages and cities in direct proportion to a village/town/city's population.

This formula would be simple, fair, and right. It would lead to meaningful power devolution.

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राजनीतिक अधिकार बिनाको नागरिकता

• निर्दलीय (partyless) प्रजातन्त्र (democracy)
• आत्म निर्णयको अधिकार (right to self determination) बिनाको संघीयता (federalism)
• राजनीतिक अधिकार (political rights) बिनाको नागरिकता (citizenship)

All three are very similar concepts. But of the three, the most primitive has got to be the citizenship without political rights. And that is what the most educated Nepalis on earth are agreeing to in a deal with the scoundrels running Nepal today. The thugs are calling the shots, looks like.

NRN लाई दोस्रो दर्जाको नागरिक बनाउने तैयारी
NRN लाई दोस्रो दर्जाको नागरिकता

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50 Millionaires

Nepali architect - Arniko in Miaoying Temple (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

Russia hosts the largest cluster of Nepali millionaires in the Nepali diaspora. By some counts there are about 30 millionaires based in Moscow. These are all self made people. And so you can not argue the NRN leadership has been dominated by wealth.

For the first time NRNA USA has some semblance of existence. There are thousands of members, there are duly elected leaders. But NRNA USA is still no close to aspirations of global leadership.

For me it is less about the NRNA organization and more about Nepal’s economic growth as it can be projected over the next three decades. I did full time work for Nepal’s democracy movement in the 2005 period. Subsequently I put full time work into Nepal’s Madhesi Movement. And I have moved on. And now the issue is economic growth.

You can’t build a successful company as an act of charity, or by thinking about a particular country. Entrepreneurship responds to its internal forces. It is a high risk venture. You have to respond to the market forces. And it is not like I don’t think about me or my family. But I do also have one eye on Nepal.

To me more important than membership drives of the NRNA is the quest to see at least 50 millionaires among the Nepalis in NYC. That is the only meaningful way the Nepalis in America, more specifically New York, can not only hope to provide global leadership to the NRNA but, more importantly, make meaningful contributions to Nepal’s economic growth. So I look more for aspiring entrepreneurs than neta types. A few I might team up with, many I would just want to stay in the loop with.

You have to be in a position to personally invest, you have to be in a position to guide global investments into the Nepali economy, and then you can also hope to collectively propose policy changes that are so fundamental to letting the economy in Nepal bloom to its rightful size.

Working for Nepal’s democracy and Madhesi movements cost me money. I had to eat into my savings. But this next phase is about making money, about creating some serious personal wealth.

I don’t have much taste for old economy ventures. That is not a stamp of disapproval. The richest Nepalis in the city today have all made their money in the old economy. But I am grounded in software, and my ventures are new economy ventures. I find high tech exciting. Down the line that also makes room for clean energy ventures.

Building an ambitious company in a city like New York necessarily means you are going to aim for a global customer base, or at least a globally diverse customer base. That necessarily means you are going to have to build a globally diverse team. You can not have an all Nepali team trying to serve a global customer base. So you build your company following rules that are best for the company’s growth. And you contribute to Nepal’s economy to the best of your abilities, according to rules that best serve the purpose.

New York City is greatly suited for building great companies, especially multi-national corporations. The infrastructure here - and I don’t mean just the trains and buses - is optimal. It has a well developed financial marketplace. You count your blessings and you make your moves.

I have my tech startup, an Augmented Reality Mobile Game. That is recent, and it is pre-launch. I have had my tech consulting firm for years now. I have a strong bias in that I like working with tech startup type clients. Usually I just build the basic prototype. In rare cases I also end up taking a bigger role. I bring more than tech to the table. I also bring my knowledge of tech startups. I have been building a network for fundraising among professional investors for years now. But you can only cash on it if you have built the right company with the right kind of growth rates. Read: wild growth rates. Investors are business people. They invest because they think you will grow their money.

Nepalis in New York should be able to outdo the Nepalis in Moscow. And entrepreneurship is that route. I happen to believe entrepreneurship is for everybody. I am a big fan of network marketing, for example. Because it allows a venue for entrepreneurship even among the low income Nepalis in the city. Or you could invest 5K, 10K in a tech startup. A successful tech startups would give you returns that land in Kathmandu simply can not. Owning a small equity in a high tech venture beats owning real estate in Kathmandu.

The message of entrepreneurship goes hand in hand with the message of dual citizenship, and I don’t mean the watered down dual citizenship that the politicians in Kathmandu are talking about. They are trying to create a second class citizenship for the NRNs, like they already have for the Madhesis in Nepal. That is a no no.

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सच्चा राष्ट्रियता गरीबी सकेसम्म चाँडै कसरी मेट्ने भन्ने हो

The flag of Nepal (Photo credit: Wikipedia)

In response to a Facebook post by a friend.

(१) नेपाल र भारत को जस्तो नजिक को सम्बन्ध कुनै दुई देशको छैन, अमेरिका र कनाडा को पनि छैन। त्यो जनता लेवल को कुरा। र त्यो तराई का मधेसी को मात्र होइन। नेपालको प्रत्येक समुदाय को कुरा। शाह राणा को पनि "बेटी-रोटी" कै सम्बन्ध हो। हिमाली भेग को कुरा गर्ने हो भने तिब्बती शरणार्थी सबै भारत मै छन। यता दार्चुला, उता धारचूला, मान्छे दुबै तिर उस्तै।

(२) सरकार लेवल को कुरा गर्ने हो भने भारत मा जुन सुकै सरकार आए पनि हाम्रो नेपाल संग जस्तो राम्रो सम्बन्ध अरु कुनै देशको सरकार संग छैन भन्छ।  के भनेको होला?

(३) नेपालका प्रत्येक पार्टी का नेता दिल्ली धाउँछन्, र त्यो भु-राजनीति बुझ्नेले अप्राकृतिक मान्दैन। चन्द्रमा पृथ्वी वरिपरि घुम्छ, पृथ्वी सुर्य वरिपरि घुम्छ। बरु राजनीति र लोकतंत्र बुझ्नेले सोध्छ, भारत ले ठग्छ भन्ने त्यत्रो ठुलो डर छ भने नेपालको संसदले अर्को देश सँग गरिने कुनै पनि संधि सम्झौता नेपालको संसद मा पुर्ण बहसमा लगेर बहुमत ले अनुमोदन गर्न पर्ने प्राबधान किन नराखेको? २०४६ पछि मलाई अलि कति excited पारेका नेपालका प्रधान मंत्री दुईटा छन। कृष्ण प्रसाद भट्टराई र बाबुराम भट्टराई।  बाबुराम ले गरेको BIPPA सम्झौता कति राम्रो। तर उसकै उप प्रधान मंत्री, त्यो पनि उसकै जिल्लाको, त्यो BIPPA को बिरोध गर्दै हिँडेको।  कत्रो नौटंकी। बिरोध हो भने के को बिरोध, त्यो specific रुपमा कहिले भनिएन। कागले कान लग्यो, लग्यो भने पछि लग्यो लग्यो। फेरि बाबुराम भनेको धोती लाउने गजेन्द्र नारायण होइनन् , सप्तरीको मधेसी, भारतको मान्छे यसले भारतकै सोंच्यो भन्ने "ह्रितिक रोशन सिंड्रोम" आरोप लाग्दो हो।  बाबुराम भनेको त १९५० को संधि धांधली भो खारेज गर नत्र भने भन्दै बन्दुक उठाएको मान्छे। माओबादीले बन्दूक उठाएको ४-५ बर्षसम्म मैले उसको बाहेक अरु कुनै माओबादी को नाम सम्म सुन्या थिएन। नेहरू खुदले विश्व स्तरको नेता मानेको BP ले पनि देशै बेचने रै छ, बन्दूक उठाउने SLC Board First बबुरामले पनि देशै बेचने, के रै छ त त्यस्तो?

(४) बाबुराम लाई म अझै BP लेवल को मान्दिन। तर फेरि प्रधान मंत्री बनेर उनी नेपालका नीतिश कुमार बन्छन् भने all bets are off. म आफु बामपंथी होइन (म नेपालको परिप्रेक्छ्य मा कांग्रेसी पनि होइन, anti-Congress हो) तर बामपंथी नै सही फिडेल को education र health सेक्टर का कामहरू गरेर देखाउन सक्नु पर्यो।

(५) लोकतंत्र भनेको जनता ले दिग्गज मान्छे खोज्ने र त्यो दिग्गजले ५ बर्ष एकलौटी शाषण गर्ने भनेको होइन। भारत संग गर्ने समझौता हरु नेपालको संसदले पुर्ण बहसमा लाने र बहुमत ले पास गर्ने ब्यबस्था गर्ने हो।  त्यति गर्दा पनि भारत ले ठग्ने रहेछ भने नेपाल त भारत ले ठग्नु पर्ने देशै रै छ भन्ने हुन्छ। कोही कोही हुन्छ नि पाकेटमार लाई सजिलो पारिदिने बानी भएको मानिस।  त्यस्तो।

(६) तर मुख्य कुरा अझ त्यो होइन। मुख्य कुरा नेपालका नेताहरूको competence or rather lack of it को हो।  आफ्नो कमी कमजोरी ढाकछोप गर्न जुन कुरा को दोष पनि भारत लाई दिई दिने। Dictatorships thrive on the external enemy, नार्थ कोरिया ले अमेरिका सँग निहुँ खोजिरहने कारण त्यो हो।  तर नेपालका नेता हरुले लोकतंत्र मा पनि त्यही कुराको सहारा लिएका छन। It should not be possible तर भइराखेको छ।  चुनाब ले मात्र लोकतंत्र हुँदैन भन्ने कुराको प्रमाण Russia छ। नेपाल लोकतंत्र भई सकेको छैन भन्ने कुरा बुझ्नु पर्छ।

(७) पुरानो सत्ताका status quoist हरु हर तरहले दमजम का मुद्दा हरुमा पुराणो सोंच कायम राख्न तत्पर छन।  स्टेट restructuring हुन नदिन हर किसिमका हथकंडा अपनाउन लागि राखेका छन।

(८) नेपाललाई सिक्किम बनाउन खोजेको आरोप कति लाई लाग्यो त्यो गनेर साध्य छैन, त्यो राजनीति होइन गाईजात्रा हो। अस्ति मोदी आउनु अगाडि समझौता का जुन फर्स्ट ड्राफ्ट हरु आएका थिए केही knee jerk nationalist हरुले "नेपाललाई भुटान बनाउन खोजेको" आरोप लगाए। म त चकित भएँ। अरे बाबा, भुटान दक्छिण एशिया को सबै भन्दा गरीब देश बाट quite literally रातारात दक्छिण एशिया को सबै भन्दा धनी देश बनेको कहानी हो।  सिंगापुर र स्विट्ज़रलैंड पछि बनाउने पहिला भुटान नै बनाउने कि नेपाललाई?

(९) नेपाल बाट गरीबी सकेसम्म चाँडै कसरी मेट्ने - त्यो भन्दा ठुलो राष्ट्रबाद नेपालको सन्दर्भमा हुन सक्दैन। त्यस मापदंड़ अनुसार अहिले को नेपालको political class खचाखच अराष्ट्रीय तत्व हरुले भरिएको देखि राखेको छु।  मोदीले सही भनेका छन -"Nepal can become developed nation by supplying power to India." बोलीले होइन ब्यबहार ले हो राष्ट्रबाद झल्किने, तर नेपालको पोलिटिकल क्लास लाई चिंता छ, नेपाल developed नेशन भयो भने जनता जागरुक हुन्छन् अनि फेरि हामी लाई कसले वोट दिने? त्यो घोर अराष्ट्रीय तत्व thinking हो।

(१०) मोदीले वास्तव मै नया किसिमको सम्बन्ध चाहेका छन, त्यसको फाइदा न उठाउनु मुर्खता नै हुनेछ।

Ye To Had Ho Gayee

This video clip has been making the rounds right now among some Nepalis.



Some people are rightly offended. But those same people were okay when artists like Santosh Pant made fun of the Madhesis on TV. This particular clip does not have it, but the program did.



And then there is this.



An American getting offended that Nepal's Kumari got stripped of her spiritual status because she visited the US is not insulting, I don't think it is. Really though, why would you strip Kumari's status just because she visited some country? And I don't think Colbert is acting offended, I think he is trying to act funny.

People have a right to burn flags. It is called free speech.

And this offended some Indians, take this.

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Baburam Compared To Barack

Haaretz: The audacity of hope in Nepal

It is hard to think of two cultures more dissimilar than those of America and Nepal. The first glorifies an individual's ability to change in order to get ahead and overcome the many obstacles in his path. Therefore there is no story more beloved than a "Cinderella" tale: Against all the odds, thanks only to their abilities, a poor person breaks through and achieves amazing things. Nepalese culture, however, sanctifies the individual's ability to accept and come to terms with the way things are in a way that will not damage the purity of his soul. You're in distress? Don't fight it; learn to live with it. Change will come only in the inner realm of the soul.

While the Americans glorify deeds, the Nepalis believe in miracles. Acceptable behavior is also entirely different: If the American is extroverted, the Nepali is introverted. If the American extravagantly shares all his troubles and achievements, the Nepali hides them. In many senses, these two cultures operate in parallel universes.

"There, in the university's fine library, I encountered a small book about a person I had never heard of before," Bhattarai said, "and it shook up my life. This was the biography of Che Guevara, and after I read it I swore to do everything in my power to help my people live in real economic and social freedom."

The hopes attached to him compete only with those pinned on his colleague on the other side of the globe, United States President Barack Obama. It is with good reason he is called "the Nepali Obama" here. Like Obama, Bhattarai is a rare combination of a man of the book and a man of deeds. And like Obama, he too attributes importance to symbolic measures. When he was elected, he preferred to do without an official car and instead continued to travel in a locally made car, without air-conditioning.

...... the idea of a "first lady" is also foreign to Nepalese culture.

...... nearly 60 percent of Nepalese people live below the poverty line.

Traditional agriculture is still the main source of employment for more than 80 percent of the citizens and added to this is the difficulty in recruiting foreign investment because of the small size of the economy, the geographic remoteness, the absence of infrastructures within the country and the considerable exposure to natural disasters.

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Nepalis In New York And The NRN Movement

Looks like there is some kind of a NRN event in New York City next month and I have been approached by a friend to try and get a VIP local politician to show up as the Chief Guest. I have a State Senator friend in mind, Bill Perkins of Harlem who was the first elected official in New York to support Obama when he first ran for president. Once I know the precise date and time for the event, I can try and approach him to see if he is available.

New York City For Barack Obama 1-10
Staff, Volunteers, Elected Officials
DL21C Annual Summer Bash: Barack Won The Straw Poll

The conversation made me think though. I was the only Nepali in America to have worked full time for Nepal's democracy movement of 2006, and later the Madhesi movement. But my style was one of digital activism. I did not join any organization.

I have a newfound interest in Nepal. That's there. But it is hard for me to ignore some of the very real issues the Nepali community in New York City, in America, and the world at large grapples with. Instead of being the best and the brightest who went global and are willing and able to lead Nepal to an era of rapid economic growth, we find little gatherings of locally relatively well to do homesick Nepalis begging the Nepali establishment in Kathmandu for very basic rights. Much of that comes from how we have attempted to organize ourselves. There has been no desire to go mass based. A lacking culture of basic democracy, transparency and egalitarianism has been holding us back.

Kiva Is In Nepal

There are no rich Nepalis in America. If there were, I'd have read about them in some magazine. I never have. So for people who might be in professional white collar jobs to dissociate from the masses who might be working below minimum wage salaries is not classist. It is self destructive behavior. Because the power rests in mass organizing. Power is in numbers. Unless Nepalis get organized in large numbers, we can not better our situation locally, and we can not earn our rights inside Nepal, and we can not help Nepal in major ways.

The well and alive anti Madhesi prejudice among the diaspora Nepalis is another self destructive behavior. Unless the Nepalis in New York City claim their larger South Asian identity, they are not going anywhere. Working for Indian bosses by the day, and talking hate speech against them by the night are not exactly the way to go.

I have no desire to become yet another token Madhesi in New York City. I was one of Barack Obama's top volunteers in the city. This is a city where Indians matter little, and Nepalis are not even on the map anywhere. There has to be an acknowledgment among the Pahadis that things were and are wrong in Nepal and that is why you see so few Madhesis in New York City. Talking hate speech is not how you express that acknowledgment. And there has to be a sense of mutual respect. And we have to forge a new Nepali identity. And that is how we can become better organized.

There are about 50,000 Nepalis in New York City. Most of them party in small groups about once a a week. Identify those party organizers. Every Nepali in the city has a mobile phone. Those parties and those phones are the key to going mass based in terms of organization. 50 white collar Nepalis meeting in some five star hotel is not my idea of a mass based organization. And for as long as we don't go mass based, we will stay largely irrelevant.

Nepali Slaves In The Middle East
Image via Wikipedia

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