Sunday, November 09, 2014
Saturday, November 08, 2014
Sagoon: Nepali Tech StartUp: Presentation At Chautari
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| DC Comics (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
VCs will tell you, at 50,000 users you become interesting to them. And user base is everything. As long as you have a fast growing user base, you are in a good shape.
Twitter was launched in mid 2006. But I only discovered it in early 2009. I was not using it. But its user base kept growing. And then it really grew in 2009 and 2010.
So I hope Sagoon's user base grows rapidly, and I am proven wrong. But I also felt like there were no fundamentally new features. And it was not necessarily trying to cater to the local market in Nepal. Darshan Rauniyar caused a lot of excitement in the Nepali community across America. But he got very few votes in his primary election and was out. In the process he still paved the way for future Nepali aspirants for political office. But internal excitement is apparently not enough.
I don't want Sagoon to be the Darshan Rauniyar of Nepali tech entrepreneurship.
But I am impressed with their registered base of 100,000. I am impressed they decided to take the plunge. Risk taking is a big deal. I am impressed they have taken the risk. Sticking your neck out is not easy to do.
I hope they grow their use base to 500,000 and beyond. I hope they go on to raise money from professional investors, because it is about time.
I was impressed with how many people in the room were willing to possibly invest, if not a lot then at least a few thousand dollars each.
They have a working prototype and 100,000 users. That's a lot to have. They said they have already raised 350K, and they were in town to raise 150K.
Anjan Shrestha asked if there was an anti-dilution clause to protect this first round of investors. The roundabout answer was, no there wasn't. The question was echoed by half a dozen other people.
You can give 25% of the company to round 1 investors and have no anti-dilution clause. Or you can give 5% and have an anti-dilution clause. I will take that 5% any day. I have known of many successful tech startups where the round 1 investors saw little to no growth of their money.
I have a pre lanch tech startup, an Augmented Reality Mobile Game. I know Anjan Shrestha harbors tech startup ambitions. There are several routes to moving forward. Some quick routes bring in professional angel investors pretty fast.
For Nepali tech startups, it is a very good idea to have the Indian community in mind. Indians are some top names in tech and investing as well.
Friday, November 07, 2014
Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales Writes To PM On Raut
Chair: Kirsty Brimelow QC │ Vice-Chair: Sudanshu Swaroop
Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC) | 53-54 Doughty Street | London WC1N 2LS |
e-mail: coordination@barhumanrights.org.uk | Tel: +44 (0) 20 7404 1313 ext. 359 | website: www.barhumanrights.org.uk
The Right Honourable Mr Sushil Koirala
Office of the Prime Minister and Council of Ministers
Singh Durbar
Kathmandu, Nepal
P.O. Box: 23312
SENT BY EMAIL AND POST
London, 6 November 2014
Your Excellency,
RE: Dr Chandra Kant Raut charged with sedition
I am writing on behalf of the Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC). The BHRC is the international human rights arm of the Bar of England and Wales. It is an independent body primarily concerned with the protection of the rights of advocates and judges around the world. The Committee is also concerned with defending the rule of law and internationally recognised legal standards relating to human rights and the right to a fair trial.
The BHRC is contacting you regarding the arrest and prosecution of Madhesi activist Chandra Kant Raut. As you will be aware, on 14 September 2014, Dr Raut was placed under detention for allegedly inciting separatism in the Madhes region of Nepal under S. 2(1)(k) of the Some Public (Crime and Punishment) Act, 2027 (1970).
1 Then, on 8 October 2014, Dr Raut was charged with subversion contrary to S. 3(1) of the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989) for allegedly inciting separatism in the Madhes region of Nepal, an offence that carries a sentence of life imprisonment.2 Of note, on 20 September 2014, Dr Raut began a hunger strike to protest his arrest for denouncing discrimination of marginalised groups and peacefully demanding autonomy for his region. On 1 October 2014, as Dr Raut’s condition became critical, he was visited in hospital by Nepali Congress Party leader and Minister of Information and Communication Minendra Rijal and Communist Party of Nepal (United Marxist-Leninist) leader and Minister of Agriculture Hari Prasad Parajuli. The two Ministers pleaded with Dr Raut to break his fast and gave a written commitment to respect Dr Raut’s freedom of expression. On that occasion, the Vice-President of the Nepali Congress Party Ram Chandra Poudel also visited Dr Raut and made an oral commitment that the charges would not be proceeded with against him.
However, the following week Dr Raut was charged with sedition under the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989). On 15 October 2014, the Special Court granted bail, but Dr Raut refused release on bail as he considered that he would be rearrested immediately on a different charge; the prosecution had stated in court that there was enough evidence to charge Dr Raut with the offence of
The BHRC respectfully draws to the attention of the Government of Nepal Article 19 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), to which Nepal has been a party since 1991, and Article 19 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights (UDHR), which enshrine the right to freedom of expression. Nepal has also ratified the First Optional Protocol of the ICCPR. Nepal’s commitment to human rights and the right to freedom of expression are also reflected in Article 12 (3)(a) of the currently in force Interim Constitution 2007.
Limitations to the right to freedom of expression are legitimate only if they fall within the very narrow conditions defined in the three-part test in Article 19(3) of the ICCPR; these restrictions must be ‘provided by law and necessary’, and there must be a legitimate aim to impose such restrictions.
Similarly, Article 12 of Nepal’s Interim Constitution 2007 allows only for the imposition of ‘reasonable restrictions’ to the right to freedom of expression. The BHRC respectfully submits that the restrictions to Dr Raut’s freedom of expression do not pass the three-part test in Article 19(3) of the ICCPR.
First, the formulation of the offence under S. 3(1) of the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989), with which Dr Raut is charged, does not meet the required standards of clarity and precision, leaving it open to abuse and political expediency.
Second, the current position in international law regarding the balance between national security and expression is that it is illegitimate to criminalise simple speech when no imminent violence is being incited with intent, as in the case of Dr Raut.
Third, limitations to freedom of expression are such as are necessary in a democratic society. The purpose must never be to shield governments from peaceful opposition. In this respect, the Crime against State and Punishment Act, 2046 (1989) is a piece of legislation drafted at the twilight of the Panchayat autocracy (1960-1990). This piece of legislation was enacted to repress dissent and curb the efforts of pro-democracy activists, and as such it has no place in a democracy.
The BHRC therefore respectfully requests the Government of Nepal and appropriate institutions to call to account the current actions that have led to Dr. Raut’s loss of liberty with a view to securing his release without fear of further arrests. Further, it should reconsider the appropriateness of the Crime against State and Punishment Act 2046 (1989). The BHRC calls upon the authorities to ensure the internationally protected right to freedom of expression to all Nepali citizens in order to preserve the rule of law and administration of justice in Nepal. This is particularly important at this delicate moment of negotiations over the new constitutional settlement.
Yours sincerely,
Kirsty Brimelow QC
Chair, Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC)
Cc : Embassy of Nepal in the UK
Cc : British Embassy in Nepal
1 S.2 – Prohibition to commit some public crime (1) No person shall commit any of the following acts: (k) To commit any act or express anything, which causes intimidation or terror in general public and breaks public peace, by entering or not entering in any public gathering, assembly or demonstration; or to show weapon. See: http://www.lawcommission.gov.np/index.php?option=com_remository&Itemid=25&func=startdown&id=611&lang=en
2 S.3 (1) – If someone causes or attempts to cause any disorder with an intention to jeopardize the sovereignty, integrity or national unity of Nepal, he/she shall be liable for life imprisonment. See: http://www.lawcommission.gov.np/index.php?option=com_remository&Itemid=25&func=fileinfo&id=712&lang=enChair: Kirsty Brimelow QC │ Vice-Chair: Sudanshu Swaroop
Bar Human Rights Committee of England and Wales (BHRC) | 53-54 Doughty Street | London WC1N 2LS |
e-mail: coordination@barhumanrights.org.uk | Tel: +44 (0) 20 7404 1313 ext. 359 | website: www.barhumanrights.org.uk cybercrime for posting political material on his website, and the reportedly outstanding case under the Some Public (Crime and Punishment) Act, 2027 (1970).
Thursday, November 06, 2014
पुर्ण लोकतान्त्रिक राजनीतिक पार्टी
पुर्ण आन्तरिक लोकतन्त्र वाली पार्टी
- पार्टीके केन्द्रीय अध्यक्षको पार्टी महाधिवेशनमें बहुमतके आधार पर चुना जाएगा। अध्यक्षके उम्मीदवारको ५०% से ज्यादा मत लाने होंगे।
- ३१ केंद्रीय समिति सदस्य होंगे। उनको भी पार्टी महाधिवेशनमें चुना जाएगा। पार्टी कार्यकर्ता मतदान करेंगे।
- ५ पदाधिकारी होंगे। उपाध्यक्ष, महासचिव, कोषाध्यक्ष, संगठक। अध्यक्ष। पार्टी महाधिवेशनमें सब चुने जाएंगे।
- केन्द्रीय समितिकी बैठक होगी प्रत्येक तीन महिनेमें एक बार। उस बैठकके minutes पार्टीके वेबसाइट पर रखे जाएंगे।
- प्रत्येक संसदीय क्षेत्रमें एक क्षेत्रीय समिति होगी। आन्तरिक निर्वाचनद्वारा चुना गया व्यक्ति क्षेत्रीय अध्यक्ष होगा, और चुनावमें टिकट भी उसीको मिलेगा। टिकट पार्टी अध्यक्ष या केंद्रीय समिति वितरण नहीं करेंगे।
- पार्टीके आय व्ययका पैसे पैसेका हिसाब पार्टीके वेबसाइट पर रखा जायेगा। जो डोनर नाम न खुलाना चाहें उनका नाम ना खुलाया जाएगा।
- स्थानीय चुनावमें टिकटका वितरण भी उसी तरह किया जाएगा, उपरसे टिकट वितरण नहीं किया जाएगा।
- पुर्ण आन्तरिक लोकतन्त्रका सस्ता तरिका: वार्ड लेवलसे केन्द्र तक आप चुनाव ही कराते रहिएगा तो कितने बैलट छपेंगे? खर्चा कितना बैठेगा? कौन देगा खर्चा? एक तरीका है जिसमें खर्चा ही नहीं होता है। मान लिजिए पार्टीका महाधिवेशन हो रहा है। देश भरसे १,००० प्रतिनिधि जमा हुए हैं। पार्टी अध्यक्षके लिए ३ उम्मीदवार मैदानमें हैं। तो क्या करेंगे। उन १,००० लोगोको आप तीन गुटमें बँटके खड़े होनेको बोलेंगे। उम्मीदवार क के नाम पर ३५० लोग खड़े हुए, उम्मीदवार ख के नाम पर ३५०, और उम्मीदवार ग के नाम पर ३०० लोग, लेकिन नियम है कि पार्टी अध्यक्षके लिए कमसेकम ५०% वोट चाहिए। तो उम्मीदवार ग को पराजित घोषित किया जायेगा, और उनके ३०० समर्थकोंको तभी कहा जाएगा, अब आप उम्मीदवार क और उम्मीदवार ख में से एकको चुनिए। वो ३०० लोग चलके दोमें एक चुनेंगे। पैदल चलके मत डालेंगे। बैलटकी कोइ जरुरत नहीं है। खुला लोकतन्त्र। ये एक भी पैसा खर्चा किए बगैर चुनाव करानेका तरीका स्थानीय लेवल पर और भी उपयोगी सिद्ध हो सकता है। वार्ड वार्ड में संगठन निर्माण करना है तो कैसे करेंगे नेतृत्वका चयन? ऐसे ही।
- पार्टीमें ५१% पद फ्री कम्पटीशनसे, और ४९% आरक्षणके सिद्धान्त पर बाँटा जाए। दलित, महिला, मुस्लमान और गरीबको आगे लाया जाए और नेतृत्वकी ओर बढ़ाया जाए।
मैले साँचै नै बुझन खोजेको कुरा जल सम्पदाबारे
भारतको औद्योगिकरणमा सबैभन्दा ठुलो समस्या के छ भने कल कारखाना लगाउन जग्गा चाहियो, त्यो जग्गा पाउन बड़ा गारहो। मोदीले गुजरातमा उद्योगपतिहरुलाई जग्गा पाउन सजिलो बनाईं दिंदा यसले त कौडीको भाउमा जग्गा दियो भनेर ठुलो आलोचना भयो।
यो समस्याको समाधान के त? ठीक छ, उद्योगपतिलाई जग्गा नदिने भन्ने हो भने देश अगाडि बढ़न भएन। के गर्ने?
नेपाललाई विकसित देश बनाउने hydroelectricity ले हो। र त्यसमा मोदी दिलोज्यान लागेका छन। कि त मोदीलाई चोर फटहा भन्नु पर्यो। भारत दुनियाको तेस्रो सबैभन्दा ठुलो अर्थतंत्र, त्यो भारतले नेपालको किन पॉकेटमारी गर्नु पर्यो होला? सोंचनै पर्ने कुरा हो यो।
सतजलसँग पीडिए अर्को राष्ट्रघातः नेकपा–माओवादी प्राकृतिक स्रोतलाई कौडीको रुपमा बेचियो
यो भनेको के? मैले साँचै नै बुझन खोजेको। ठीक छ नदी नेपालमा छ। तर १००% पूँजी भारतको कुनै कम्पनीले लगाउँछ भने, १००% काम त्यसले गर्छ भने, बिजली उत्पादन भए पछि नेपालले खोला आफ्नो भएको कारणले मुफ्तमा यति प्रतिशत पाउनु, त्यसमाथि थप यति प्रतिशत स्वामित्व पाउनु, २५ वर्षमा त्यो स्वामित्व १००% पुग्नु --- यो न्याय हो कि अन्याय हो? मैले बुझन खोजेको यो हो।
विश्वमा यो पहिलो यस्तो प्रोजेक्ट होइन। विदेशी पुंजीले जहाँ तहीं प्रोजेक्ट हरु बनेका छन। अरु ठाउँमा कस्तो भएको छ? यस्तै अवस्थामा नेपाल जस्तो देशले २५% होइन ५०% मुफ्त बिजली पाएको छ कतै? १००% स्वामित्व २५ वर्षमा होइन १५ वर्षमा पाउने गरेको छ कतै? त्यस्तो छ भने ल मोदिका मान्छेले पॉकेटमारी गर्यो भने भो।
होइन भने यो त नेपालमा गरीबी समाप्त हुने हो भने बंद घडी मार्क्सवादीहरुको राजनीती समाप्त हुने डरले यस्ता कुरा उछालिने भन्ने बुझ्नु पर्ने हुन्छ।
उद्योगपतिहरुले जग्गा नपाउने भारत First World Country बन्न सक्दैन। ४०,०० मेगावाट बिजली उत्पादन नगर्ने नेपाल First World Country बन्न सक्दैन।
मोदीलाई त्यस्तो हतारमा वैद्यले यसरी पाकेटमार भन्दिनु भएन। मलाई लाग्छ मोदीले वास्तवमै नेपालको भलो चाहेका छन। आफनोपछि सबैभन्दा बढ़ी माया गर्ने देश नै उसकोलागि नेपाल हो। नेपालमा विद्युत क्रांति गर्ने मान्छे नै मोदी हो।
दुई तिहाई होइन, सहमतिको संविधान
"प्रधानमन्त्री सुशील कोइरलाले दुई तिहाइ मतबाट संविधान जारी गर्ने पक्षमा आफू नरहेको प्रस्ट पारेका छन्। ..... माघ ८ गते नै सबैको सहमतिमा संविधान जारी हुन्छ।"
देशलाई चाहिएको दुई तिहाई होइन, सहमतिको संविधान नै हो।
देशलाई चाहिएको दुई तिहाई होइन, सहमतिको संविधान नै हो।
संघीयतामा राज्यको आफ्नै सर्वोच्च अदालत हुन्छ
कति कुरा निर्णय भइसकेका छन। जस्तै कि अंतरिम संविधानले नै गणतन्त्र भनिसकेको अवस्थामा दुई तिहाईको बलमा संवैधानिक राजतन्त्र देशमाथि लादन मिल्दैन। गणतन्त्र क्रांतिले स्थापना गरेको हो। संविधान सभाले होइन। क्रांतिले अन्तरिम संविधान मार्फ़त संविधान सभालाई आदेश सम्म दिएको हो: यो गणतन्त्रलाई संस्थागत गर भनेर।
बहुदलीय लोकतन्त्र पनि त्यस्तै हो। क्रांतिले स्थापना गरेको कुरा। दुई तिहाईको भरमा कसैले एक पार्टीको शासन लादन मिल्दैन।
संघीयता त्यस्तै हो। संघीयता मधेसी क्रांतिले स्थापना गरेको कुरो हो। त्यो संघीयतालाई दुई तिहाई अथवा तीन चौथाईले फालन मिल्दैन। "मधेश स्वायत्त प्रदेश" भनेर गिरिजा कोइरालाले बजाप्ते सही गरेका हुन। अन्तरिम संविधानमा राखिएको कुरो त्यो।
मधेसी क्रांतिले विकेंद्रीकरण/वीरेन्द्रीकरण भनेको होइन। संघीयता भनेको हो। ती दुई फरक कुराहरु हुन।
र संघीयतामा राज्यको आफ्नै सर्वोच्च अदालत हुन्छ। अहिलेको न्यायपालिकालाई जस्ताको तस्तै भोलिको नेपालमा लान मिल्दैन।
बहुदलीय लोकतन्त्र पनि त्यस्तै हो। क्रांतिले स्थापना गरेको कुरा। दुई तिहाईको भरमा कसैले एक पार्टीको शासन लादन मिल्दैन।
संघीयता त्यस्तै हो। संघीयता मधेसी क्रांतिले स्थापना गरेको कुरो हो। त्यो संघीयतालाई दुई तिहाई अथवा तीन चौथाईले फालन मिल्दैन। "मधेश स्वायत्त प्रदेश" भनेर गिरिजा कोइरालाले बजाप्ते सही गरेका हुन। अन्तरिम संविधानमा राखिएको कुरो त्यो।
मधेसी क्रांतिले विकेंद्रीकरण/वीरेन्द्रीकरण भनेको होइन। संघीयता भनेको हो। ती दुई फरक कुराहरु हुन।
र संघीयतामा राज्यको आफ्नै सर्वोच्च अदालत हुन्छ। अहिलेको न्यायपालिकालाई जस्ताको तस्तै भोलिको नेपालमा लान मिल्दैन।
Tuesday, November 04, 2014
The Raute, The Chepang And Federalism In Nepal
Say there are 50,000 Chepang in Nepal. 50,000 Santhal. 5,000 Raute. We can't just design a federalism that works for the Madhesi, the Tharu, the Limbu, the Kirat, the Sherpa, the Tamang, the Magar, the Gurung. These are groups that have sufficient numbers that sooner or later will get their fair share. But federalism will also have to be designed for ethnic and cultural groups that are small in number, and might as well be close to extinction. Our approach to cultural diversity has to be like the healthy approach to biodiversity in the Amazon forest. We have to preserve and protest. We have to empower. Their small numbers should not work against them.
I would like to add to my 3 states, 25 regions formula that there should be autonomous regions created for these culturally distinct small number groups that are quite vulnerable to extinction. These autonomous regions should have direct relationships with their state governments, and perhaps to the central government. They should be allowed their own income sources, and should be given special aid packages for their educational upliftment, socio-economic advancement, and cultural preservation.
It is not a long list. And the country of Nepal has to do right by them.
These autonomous regions would be different from local governments, different from village and city governments. They would be given special treatment. They would have their own police, their own courts. They would elect their own leaders. They would hire bureaucrats among themselves.
We have to act progressive on the issue of their welfare.
कांग्रेस-एमालेका बाहुनको उल्लु कुरा
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| English: Election logo of Nepali Congress. (Photo credit: Wikipedia) |
- उल्लु कुरा १: "कांग्रेस-एमालेले प्रधानमन्त्री निर्वाचित भएको दुई बर्ष सम्म अविश्वासको प्रस्ताव ल्याउन नपाइने प्रावधानसहितको शासकीय स्वरुप प्रस्ताव गरेका छन् । कार्यकारी प्रमुख प्रधानमन्त्री प्रतिनिधि सभाको एकल बहुमत प्राप्त वा अन्य दलको समर्थनमा बुहमत प्राप्त दलका नेता या यी दुवै अवस्था नभएमा प्रतिनिधिसभामा सवैभन्दा बढी सदस्यहरु भएका दलको नेता हुने छ ।" अर्थात, अल्पमतको प्रधान मंत्री! कहीं नभएको जात्रा हाँडी गाउँमा! संसदले चुनेको प्रधान मन्त्रीलाई संसदले जति बेला इच्छा लाग्यो त्यति बेला अविश्वासको प्रस्ताव ल्याउन पाउने हो।
- उल्लु कुरा २: "प्रतिनिधिसभा १६५ सदस्य हुनेछ भने राष्ट्रिय सभा ७५ सदस्य हुने प्रस्ताव छ । प्रतिनिधिसभाको निर्वाचन प्रत्यक्ष निर्वाचन प्रणालीबाट र राष्ट्रिय सभामा प्रत्येक प्रदेशबाट पुर्ण समानुपातिक सिद्धान्तको आधारमा १०/१० जना सदस्यहरु निर्वाचित हुनेछन् ।" मधेशमाथि उपनिवेश कायम राख्ने सपना देखेको?
"बैठकपछि बाहिरिएका एमाओवादी अध्यक्ष पुष्पकमल दाहालले कांग्रेस-एमालेको प्रस्तावमा संघीयताको गन्ध नआएको प्रतिक्रिया दिए । 'कांग्रेस-एमालेको प्रस्तावमा संघीयताको गन्ध छैन,' उनले भने, 'यो पाँच विकास क्षेत्रलाई ७ बनाएको भनेर बुझ्दा पनि हुन्छ, १४ अञ्चललाई ७ बनाएको भनेर बुझे पनि हुन्छ ।'"
निर्दलीय प्रजातन्त्र र कांग्रेस-एमालेका बाहुनको संघीयता! उस्तै उस्तै हो।Counter Proposal To The Nepali Congress
तीनै समुह (तराईका मधेसी, पहाडका जनजाति र काँग्रेस-एमालेका बाहुन) ख़ुशी पार्ने फोर्मुला: तीन राज्य, २५ प्रदेश
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