Thursday, April 30, 2015

Criminal Acts By The Political Leadership



  1. Reports are more than 30 planes with thousands of tons of relief supplies from scores of different foreign governments were not allowed to land because they apparently had not followed due procedure. Due procedure was to come through the respective Nepali embassies. Are you out of your mind? Have you heard of visa on arrival? These were tons that could have been air dropped into the remote hill districts. 
  2. Talk about air dropping. China offered six or eight helicopters. Nepal refused. Don't tell me these skilled ones are trying to play China off of India
  3. Bamdev is reported to have taken offense that Modi has been so prompt and effective in acts of relief for the Nepal earthquake victims. Bamdev gives hurt feelings in response! Disbelief does not even begin to describe. 
The Nepali politicians have been failing the Nepali people every step of the way. But these acts border on criminality. There are lives at stake. Tens of thousands could die still, if they are not dead already. Hundreds of thousands could get displaced, if not now, then as soon as the monsoon hits. 

In this time of tragedy my attempt was to not talk politics for a few weeks perhaps. But I don't think that is an option. 



My Article In Foreign Policy

Modi Shoud Airdrop Tents, Food, Water, Medicine

The Indian Prime Minister was the first to respond. He was ahead of his Nepali counterparts. But there is a bottleneck. He can take relief supplies to Kathmandu, then what? The slow tragedy unfolding in the remote hills can only be imagined. The next leg of the Modi relief operation has got to be the Indian army air dropping supplies in the affected remote hill villages. There might be 500 such villages. I think that is manageable.

Tents, food, water, basic medicine. Helicopters could fly low, drop, and fly away. Most of those villages don't have places even for helicopter landing.


My Article On Nepal Earthquake For Foreign Policy: Draft 2

(This is Christian's edited version due to space constraints.)



by Paramendra Bhagat

Paramendra Bhagat is a New York City-based tech entrepreneur and a former activist in Nepal’s pro-democracy movement.

Nepal is in the headlines this week -- for all the wrong reasons. On Saturday, April 25, the country was jolted by a magnitude 7.8 earthquake. The epicenter was located 80 miles northwest of the overcrowded, unplanned urban sprawl that is the capital city of Kathmandu. Nepal is a seismically active zone (the price you pay for having the world’s highest mountains), but the last time an earthquake this big hit was 81 years ago. It says something about the scale of this latest quake that many of the buildings and temples that made it through the one in 1934 didn’t survive this time around. This earthquake is not just the worst natural disaster to have hit Nepal in my lifetime -- it is the worst to have hit the country during its entire existence of a few hundred years.

For Nepal -- the poorest country outside of Africa, one of the most corrupt in the world, and one still struggling to recover from the lingering traumas of a ten-year civil war -- this latest catastrophe is spotlighting its utter political dysfunction. Many of those left homeless or injured have been waiting in vain for any form of government assistance. There were no pictures of political leaders visiting stricken citizens, no words of empathy or consolation; Nepalis had to content themselves instead with a TV appearance by a minister, who merely acknowledged “some weaknesses in managing the relief operation.” While some foreign countries have already started supplying humanitarian assistance (albeit on a fairly limited scale), much of what they have brought, according to reports, is already being sucked into the corrupt government machinery. Political parties that have shown themselves highly organized when it comes to flooding the streets with protestors have failed to put those skills to use in the relief effort.

This background might help to explain the bewildering spectacle of desperate villagers blocking convoys bringing relief supplies to victims, as was reported earlier today. In Kathmandu, dozens of people have been demonstrating outside parliament, demanding better distribution of help for those in need. In the village of Dolakha, locals smashed the windows of a local administrative building in protest. A New York Times reporter interviewing residents of a tent camp in Katamandu noted broad anger at the government’s feeble response. “Many accuse government officials of incompetence and neglect,” he wrote, “and residents voice suspicions that officials are hoarding the aid supplies for themselves.

During its recent past, Nepal’s national tragedies – royal coups, a ten-year civil war, the slaughter of the entire royal family – have served as catalysts for change. Will the same thing happen now?

Nepal’s political problems are deeply rooted in the country’s history, shaped by centuries of entrenched feudalism and compounded by a long stretch of British colonial rule. After the British left India, Nepal briefly flirted with democracy. But then King Mahendra launched a military coup, got rid of representative institutions, and installed himself as the unchallenged ruler. A popular uprising in 1990, prompted in part by the collapse of communism in eastern Europe, succeeded in placing some constraints on the royal reign, but that didn’t stop his son from continuing to wield considerable power. Capitalizing on the countryside’s endemic poverty, the Nepalese Maoists, shinier than the Shining Path of Peru, launched a civil war that lasted from 1996 to 2006. At their peak they controlled some 80 percent of the country. And then, in 2001, the crown prince went on a rampage and massacred his own family, decapitating the monarchy at a single stroke.

That tragedy prompted yearnings for fundamental change. In April 2006, one third of Nepal’s 30 million people took to the streets for 19 days to depose a king (the slain monarch’s brother) who had tried to stage a coup of his own the year before. Nepal is now a republic. The king, Gyanendra, is now a citizen -- a rich citizen, but a citizen nonetheless. He was seen in the streets right after the earthquake, taking stock of the situation, even as the elected political leaders were conspicuous by their absence.

No one can say for sure, of course. But what we can state with certainty is that the country is in desperate need of change. Perhaps the biggest question looming over Nepal’s fragile democracy is that of federalism, one of overwhelming importance in a place marked by an astonishing ethnic and cultural diversity.

There are the Khas, who form the ruling elite – a bit like Saddam Hussein’s Sunni supporters, who ruled Iraq even though they represented but a fraction of the population. There are the Janajatis, the Sherpas of Everest fame. There are the various groups who make up the Gurkhas, sent by Nepal’s rulers to fight in foreign wars over the centuries. And then there are the Madhesis (like me), people from the southern plains who have a strong ethnic and cultural affinity with the Indians. Finally, 10-15 percent of Nepalis are Dalits, those who occupy the lowest rung in the Hindu caste system. (And let’s not forget that half of the population is made up by women -- a key point, since Nepali society remains profoundly sexist.)

In 2008, two years after the war ended, Nepal got its first constituent assembly, an unwieldy beast, dominated by the Maoists, that boasted more than 600 members (bigger than the national legislatures in the United States or India). A second followed four years later. The assembly’s leaders claim to have come to agreement on all issues except the big one, the nature of Nepali federalism; they can’t even manage to define the borders of prospective states. In short, while the country’s diversity has many positive aspects, it has also become a major obstacle to political development. The continuing absence of a constitution has stymied further moves toward democracy. Nepal had its last popularly elected local governments two decades ago.

Meanwhile Nepal’s deeply entrenched inequities continue to fester. Racial and ethnic discrimination are widespread. The traditional elite continues to dominate public life. A few hundred thousand people in the police, army, bureaucracy, political parties, media houses, human rights organization and NGOs, representing perhaps 10 percent of the population, remain hell-bent on denying the other 90 percent their due share in a country of 30 million. This select few continues to exploit the trappings of democracy to maintain its own ascendance. A few years back a Nepali prime minister simply knocked four million people off the voters’ list. In the 2012 election the army is alleged to have engineered widespread fraud on behalf of the anti-federalists, in a bid to keep the Khas hold on power. Yet the Maoists, too, don’t seem averse to electoral manipulation when it suits them.

Corruption remains endemic. Only a few weeks ago, the British government was threatening to hold back its aid if Nepal did not mend its ways. Few in the outside world took note at the time. But now the dismal response to the earthquake, including the reports about the misappropriation of relief supplies, means that the government can no longer pretend that the problem doesn’t exist. There are hundreds, perhaps thousands of people in the rubble who died because help never came, or came too late.

Right now, of course, it’s imperative that Nepal’s friends in the outside world do whatever they can to alleviate the immediate pain and suffering of the earthquake’s immediate victims. But once we’ve had time to catch our breath, perhaps we can then have occasion to consider what all of us – Nepalis and non-Nepalis alike – can do to help build a sustainable democracy in this unique part of the world.

My Article On Nepal Earthquake For Foreign Policy: Draft 1

(Christian Caryl at Foreign Policy called me up yesterday and asked me to write an article, which I did. This is Draft 1.)



Earthquake Tremors And Political Dysfunction In Nepal
by Paramendra Bhagat
April 29, 2015

Nepal hit the world headlines a few days back when a 7.9 earthquake hit the country with the epicenter 80 miles northwest of the overcrowded, unplanned urban sprawl that is the capital city Kathmandu. This was an earthquake equivalent of the 2008 Great Recession hitting America. The last time an earthquake this big hit Nepal, a seismically active zone (the price you pay for having the world’s highest mountains), was about 80 years ago, but buildings and temples that survived that one did not manage to get past this one.

For the poorest country outside of Africa, among the most corrupt in the world, still struggling to write its constitution, the tragedy of the earthquake and its aftermath has further highlighted the utter political dysfunction in the country. There were no pictures of the political leadership making field visits, there were no words of empathy and consolation, instead the Deputy Prime Minister was heard spinning the whole thing on national television. Whatever help has poured in from other countries is very little, but there were reports even that was being sucked into the corrupt government machinery, and the ground level help was already along partisan lines. Political parties often too ready to get their cadres out into the streets for protests were not seen doing the same for relief work.

This earthquake is not only the worst disaster to have hit Nepal in my lifetime, it is the worst disaster to have hit the country during its entire existence of a few hundred years. There was already political dysfunction before the earthquake hit. But this earthquake has brought that political dysfunction to the forefront for the entire world to see. And it will play out over months, as most people who lost their homes will likely not have gotten a replacement when the monsoon rains hit in a few weeks. And the monsoon is unfailingly a natural disaster period every year like a clock. The monsoon is enough disaster on its own.

When the death tolls rang at 4,000, I guessed the number would easily go past 10,000. And if there are 10,000 dead, there must be at least 50,000 injured. The damage is past $20 billion, which is more than the GDP of the country. For days much of the news that poured in was from the capital city. Remote villages in the hills closer to the epicenter that had been completely wiped out stayed out of reach to the rest of Nepal and to the world. If you were not dead or injured, you were without food, water or medicine for days. Even then you were hoping your relative in Kathmandu will somehow make it to come help you.

Some foreign teams, like from Spain and Poland, came in for relief work, but instead picked up their people they had come to pick and left. But help poured in immediately. The Indian Prime Minister was the first to respond. Immediately there were planes flying in. Not long after 500 trucks were sent Nepal’s way. China gave out a statement that no, it is not competing with India in Nepal, it seeks to closely work with India. America, Israel, the UK, Japan and many others have stepped in. Tons of food, medicine and water got shipped in, not remotely enough. But it felt like band aid to where surgery was needed.

Political dysfunction hurts. Nepal has had democracy in fits and starts. For a country that has been the most popular destination among Peace Corps volunteers in the entire existence of that program, and I am guessing the country’s rich cultural diversity has been a big reason for that, that diversity itself has become the prime sticking point as its political leaders have struggled to write a constitution for almost a decade now. Nepal has not had local elections for two decades. That uncertainty and vacuum magnifies the country’s corruption and weak infrastructure, physical, political and otherwise.

A few hundred years ago a Shah king physically unified the country by conquering other smaller kingdoms. At that time Nepal and America were at similar stages of socio-economic development. Never underestimate the power of a feudal institution to hold a country back. The Rana family ruled for close to a hundred years after the Rana strongman Jung Bahadur took over and kept the king in a titular role. The country supplied soldiers in large numbers to the British in far flung wars like it supplies labor to Arab countries today. It is said Nepal lost more people in the two world wars than any other non warring country.

After the British left India, Nepal saw a brief experiment of democracy. King Mahendra pulled a military coup, got rid of the nascent democracy, and brought about his direct rule. That lasted for three decades. When Bhutto was hanged in Pakistan, student protests erupted in Nepal asking for democracy. King Mahendra’s son dodged that by offering a referendum that was thoroughly rigged by his henchmen. When the Soviet Union collapsed, that led to a democracy movement in Nepal, and the 1990 movement was successful. But the king still stuck around, and regularly interfered. The Maoists of Nepal, shinier than the Shining Path of Peru, and at their peak commanding 80% of the country’s territory, spearheaded a civil war from 1996-2006. In 2001 the Crown Prince mowed down his entire family Columbine style and hit the world headlines. The country is still rife with conspiracy theories emanating from that tragedy.

In April 2006, one third of Nepal’s 30 million people came out into the streets for 19 days to depose a king, the slain king’s brother, who had pulled a military coup like his father Mahendra the year before. Nepal is now a republic. The king is now a citizen, a rich citizen, but citizen. He was seen in the streets a few days ago taking stock of the situation while the political leadership of the country was not.

Nepal got itself a jumbo constituent assembly of over 600 members, bigger than the Indian and American parliaments, in 2008 and again in 2012. In the first one the Maoists were dominant, in the second one they have been reduced to a minority. The leaders claim to have come to agreement on all issues except federalism. They just can’t seem to be able to agree on the boundaries and names for states.

I identify with the blacks in America because I grew up Indian in Nepal. The ethnic prejudice is very real and you can feel it in Queens. There are the Khas (Bahuns and Chhetris) who form the ruling elite in Nepal. Like Saddam’s Sunnis were 20% of Iraq but ruled the country, the Khas in Nepal are the same way. There are the Janajatis like the Sherpas of the Everest fame and the Rais, Limbus, Tamangs, Magars, and Gurungs who the Khas leaders over the centuries have sent to foreign wars to die in large numbers and are the Gurkha soldiers you might have heard of. There are Madhesis like me, people from the southern plains, who the British gifted to the rulers in Kathmandu in appreciation for the steady supply of the Janajati soldiers. These three groups are one third each. And 10-15% are Dalits, occupying the lowest rung in the Hindu caste system. Half are women of course, and Nepal is a tremendously sexist country.

The Madhesi Movement of 2007 that shut the country down for weeks just like the April 2006 democracy movement produced more martyrs and had to be waged twice within a year to get the leader of the democracy movement Girija Koirala to add the word federalism and phrase “autonomous Madhes state” in the interim constitution.

So you are looking at a few hundred thousand people in the police, army, bureaucracy, political parties, media houses, human rights organizations and NGOs, representing maybe 10% of the population hellbent on denying the other 90% their due share in a country of 30 million. You knock four million people off the voters’ list, like a Nepali Prime Minister did a few years back. You engineer foul play during election time like the Nepal Army is supposed to have done in the 2012 election on behalf of the anti-federalists. To be fair, Maoist cadres also are supposed to have engaged in muscle games in the 2008 election.

Only a few weeks back Britain threatened to hold back all aid if Nepal did not mend its corrupt ways. Corruption is not news. But when help pouring in for earthquake victims gets thought of as just more foreign aid that the local powers that be can lay hands on, it hurts at many different levels. The suffering is very acute and real. There are hundreds of people in the rubbles who died because help never came, or came too late.

Like I said to a college friend of mine who reached out to me on Facebook after the news hit the “airwaves,” or the Facebook stream, it sucks to be a poor country and get hit by an earthquake this big.

A federal constitution that is fair to and is inclusive of the Khas, the Janajati, the Madhesi, the Dalit, the women, and regular free and fair elections at the local, state and national levels could help Nepal get past its current political dysfunction and on to more prosperous days. But that still might not happen in time for this earthquake’s victims. It is imperative that Nepal’s friends and well-wishers all over the world do whatever they can, from wherever they are, in whatever amount, in whatever capacity, so we can lessen the pain and suffering in the immediate term.

(Paramendra Bhagat www.paramendra.com, an early stage tech entrepreneur working on an Augmented Reality Mobile Game, “a super social network,” based in New York City, grew up in Nepal, in the 2005-06 period was the only full timer among the 200,000 Nepalis across the US to have worked for Nepal’s democracy movement. Later he was Barack Obama’s first full time volunteer in New York City.)

Tuesday, April 28, 2015

Speechless

The last one - and I experienced it - was in the Nepali year 2045. Before that the big one in 1934 AD. But this earthquake's devastation has left me speechless. This is not only the biggest disaster to hit Nepal in my lifetime, it is the biggest disaster to have hit Nepal in the lifetime of the country. When the death toll crossed 4,000, I said it will easily cross 10,000. That probably means 50,000 injured. Damage to property is past $20 billion, the country's GDP. How do you wrap your head around something like that?

The last time Nepal hit the world headlines was in April 2006 when one third of the country came out into the streets for democracy. Before that Nepal hit the world headlines was when the Crown Prince mowed down his family Columbine style.

But this is different. The scales don't even begin to compare. In many ways the tragedy has not even begun. It will keep happening for months well into the monsoon season. This was a tsunami for a landlocked nation.

Social media brings many details right on to your screen. When you share news on Facebook multiple times a day, you don't know what to make of it. Maybe someone somewhere in your circle will read and donate to the relief effort?

I am one small human being.

Rebuilding will take years. The final death toll will take weeks to come in. Those rendered homeless might not get a home anytime soon. How will they cope through the rainy season? Tens of thousands are in immediate need of food and water. Devastated remote hills were out of touch for days. Rescue efforts might never reach many of them.

This is a tragedy whose magnitude is beyond comprehension. This is a tragedy that will play out for weeks, months, years.

The 2008 Great Recession shook America to the core. This earthquake has shaken Nepal to its foundations, only we are not taking jobs, we are talking lives.


Saturday, April 25, 2015

९० साल को भैंचालो मा नभत्किएका घर भत्किएका छन

९० साल को भैंचालो मा नभत्किएका घर भत्किएका छन ….... २०४५ को म आफैले अनुभव गरेको।

 

Thursday, April 23, 2015

हिंदी भाषा को नेपाल लाई महत्व

देश टुक्रिनबाट बच्यो



 बामे ले तोड्न लागेको देश लाई नेपालको न्यायपालिकाले तोड्न बाट बचायो। अब यो बामे-केपी-सुशील सरकार ले नैतिकताको आधारमा राजीनामा दिने। जुन संविधानलाई छोएर हामीले शपथ खायौं, जुन संविधानमा वाक स्वतंत्रता छ, अप्रैल २००६ को क्रांतिले स्थापना गरेको वाक स्वतंत्रता र मधेसी क्रांति ले ५३ शहीदको रगतले स्थापित गरेको स्वायत्त मधेस प्रदेश विरुद्ध हामीले सरकारी संयन्त्र लाई गैर कानुनी र गैर संवैधानिक किसिमले संचालित गर्यौं --- त्यस अपराधको प्रायश्चितको पहिलो कदम स्वरुप हामी आ-आफ्नो पदबाट राजीनामा दिँदैछौं भन्ने ---- अनि राजीनामा दिने। 



Wednesday, April 22, 2015

Dropping Sagoon For Good

Dropping Sagoon For Good
by Paramendra Bhagat
April 22, 2015

Govinda Giri.

You had talked shit about 4 times even before our talk yesterday, starting from the very first meeting, but your use of hate speech was the final straw. It is mind boggling for me how a guy who is about 10,000% dependent on me for his company’s very survival would exhibit such bad behavior. You talked shit 3 times during the talk yesterday itself. I am also getting the impression perhaps that fucking country is not ready for Alibaba style ecommerce.

The dragging of feet on the internal homework aside, this bad behavior is not something I need to put up with. And so as of now I am dropping Sagoon. This decision on my part is final. As per the agreement, I will mail a check for 5K to Kabin Sitaula’s address within three months.

Bye. And all the best.

Tuesday, April 21, 2015

Bottomless Corruption

नेपालमा छ। बाहुन नेता हरु bottomless corruption मा लिप्त छन -- संघीयताको विरोध ती बाहुन (बा हुन या बा होइनन्) नेताले देशका बाहुन जनताको आँखामा हालेको छारो ---- आफ्नो कालो करतुत ढाकछोप गर्न।