Wednesday, December 14, 2005

King's Peace Overture To Maoists: Fake Or Real?


Nepal king appoints team for talks with Maoists Times of India, India Headed by the king's deputy Kirti Nidhi Bista, vice chairman of the council of ministers, the team also includes two new ministers ..... Home Minister Kamal Thapa and Land Reforms and Management Minister Narayan Singh Pun ..... A day after his appointment, Pun said in his maiden press conference that he would personally take an initiative to start peace parleys. .... Pun, a former colonel of the Royal Nepalese Army, had played an important role in 2003 when he single-handedly brought the insurgents to the table for talks. .... Gyanendra had been hoping to receive an invitation to visit New Delhi from Indian Foreign Secretary Shyam Saran...... But after Saran did not convey any such message from Indian Prime Minister Manmohan Singh, the king formed the talks team as a second line of strategy..... the new talks team was formed not so much to bring peace to violence-torn Nepal but to create misunderstanding between the Maoists and the opposition parties..... With the Maoists having vowed to disrupt the polls and the opposition parties having begun a campaign asking people to abstain from voting, the king could be looking at new strategies.
Nepal king appoints team for talks with Maoists
Hindustan Times, India

These two news items in the Indian media caught my attention. Curiously this has not been covered in the Nepali media. How come? If this is valid news, as I have reason to believe it is, I do take it positively, though with reservations.

If the king is serious about peace, he needs to do two things immediately.
  1. He needs to reciprocate the Maoist ceasefire immediately.
  2. He needs to accept the concept of a constituent assembly.
Just like the Maoists can not pull a Lenin in Nepal, it is not possible for the king to break the newfound Democrat-Maoist alliance. And if he is trying, he is starting with the wrong partner of the alliance. The Maoists are much less likely to respond to any royal overture than the seven parties.

I doubt the Maoists will respond unless the conditions like in Pun's 2003 are recreated. That would be the first step. If the peace talks offers be unconditional, I am sure the Maoists will respond. Why? Because it is their idea to hold a roundtable conference of all three forces. So if they can start with two of them, they will have the option to expand it and invite the third force, the seven party coalition.

I am cautiously optimistic. I commend the king for this move.

Only a day or two before Kamal Thapa made news by suggesting a major happening is in the works. This might be it.

Pun has some credibility on this count. Within the parameters available to him, he did some important work in 2003, though ultimately fruitless. It is possible Pun might have been in touch with the Maoists even before he joined the cabinet a few days ago. His abduction into the cabinet might have been with the express intent to open up a channel with the Maoists.

The two things I have suggested the king do, why would he do that? One, he has no choice. Two, it really is in his best interests. Three, there are no other outlets for the country.

You can not have peace talks if you are still officially at war.

As for constituent assembly, it is a vague, elaborate term, it can have many shapes. Just look at some of the options.
  1. A constituent assembly that guarantees a ceremonial monarchy, the guarantee resting with the Supreme Court even before elections to that assembly are held. The army would be detached from the monarchy.
  2. A constituent assembly where the monarchy is an open question.
  3. A constituent assembly that takes shape only after the monarchy has been abolished. So the assembly does not even debate the issue. The assembly functions within a republican framework.
Those are only three of the options. There are more. And all of them would qualify for a constituent assembly. If I were the king, I would come around to the idea of a constituent assembly, and push for the first option. He might not get it, that is another thing. It would be for the political parties and the Maoists to come around to it. But then, they just might.

The king's second best option would be to shoot for an all party government that also includes all the royalist parties, and then go for an assembly. He might win the vote.

It is my analysis though that the parties and the Maoists will be okay with the first option if they can have the rest.

And there is no clash. The king has time and again said he is not for an absolute monarchy, that this is the 21st century, and so the monarchy has to be for democracy. If he is honest on that, the first option is precisely what he would seek, I would think. He does not lose with the first option. He gets what he wants. And the other two forces also get what they want. Peace is back. Democracy is back. The Maoists disarm. Everyone ends up happy.

That is why the roundtable conference is so important.

On 2/1 he asked for three years maximum, as in if he can return the country to normalcy in less than three years, he would do so. This is his opportunity to take less than three years.

If, on the other hand, he keeps moving towards the February 8 polls like a rhino, I see the possibility of the Maoists perhaps breaking away from the seven parties in trying to violently disrupt the polls. That would be tragic. A whole new scenario would emerge.

A party like the Maoists are can not afford to take too many U turns. They already have taken a major U turn. They should not be asked to take a second one.

Kamal Thapa, by the way, looks like Suresh Oberoi, have you noticed?

Personally I have a lot of faith in Narayan Singh Pun to pull this off. If he failed in 2003, it was because the talks back then were not unconditional. The parameters he was functioning in were flawed. It was not lack of skills on his part that brought the talks down. The king should provide the parameters this time, and Pun should get down to work.

In The News

No truce from govt, says govt spokesperson Kantipur
INSEC urges China, India, US not to supply arms
SC to decide RCCC's fate on Jan 5
Moriarty back; meets Koirala, Nepal
Alliance ready for Naya Baneshwor mass meet
Media ordinance legal cover for unlawful practices: ICJ
Govt returns Radio Sagarmatha equipment
'Political breakthrough a must for lasting peace'
AIN calls for long-term ceasefire
No change in Indian stance: Saran
SC says no to petition against polls

Tuesday, December 13, 2005

The King In Dhaka, Tunis


Dhaka

It is a stark reality that our region has been mired in terrorism, drug trafficking, human trafficking and environmental catastrophes as well as unbridled spread of pestilent diseases like HIV/AIDS and tuberculosis. As these problems are transcendental in nature, we have the daunting challenge to address them mutually by enhancing coordination among us.

Poverty remains the most daunting challenge to our collective wisdom. Our past efforts have certainly helped reduce its intensity. Yet, we have to traverse a long way before this social evil is completely eliminated.

Success is a matter not so much of talent or opportunity as of concentration and perseverance, where commitments are matched by actions.

Programmes and activities of regional cooperation must contain poverty reduction elements.

As trade has direct consequences for poverty reduction efforts, we must take adequate measures to ensure that poverty reduction becomes the outcome of a free trade regime.

If he is so concerned about poverty, he should have at least some sympathy for Maoists who are willing to die for their dream of classlessness. He should be able to see at least some common ground. Instead he blatantly dismisses them as "terrorists." I have always been critical of their violence, but I have also made room for them to change for the better. The king has not. His priority has been power for himself, not poverty reduction.

SAFTA should serve as a forerunner of a more ambitious and deeper economic integration to eventually realize the goal of a South Asian Economic Union. We believe that the signing of the four agreements on Promotion and Protection of Investments, Mutual Administrative Assistance in Customs Matters, SAARC International Commercial Arbitration Centre and Avoidance of Double Taxation will further strengthen the SAFTA regime with a positive bearing on the growth of intra-regional trade and investment.

It has become imperative that we introduce and carry out parallel processes of economic integration and infrastructure development. Infrastructure development will obviously require huge investments.

Our offer that Nepal serve as a transit point between India and China, the two largest emerging markets in the world, has been born out of our deep conviction that, in an era characterized by heightened competition to capture world markets and capital, increased trade and economic interaction between the two up-and-coming economic zones, facilitated by transportation and communication links, would provide a level playing field for both our neighbours to reap benefits of a promising global economic order.

We are convinced that with our collective efforts and coordinated positions, the process of globalization can be turned into a force of growth and development in South Asia. Globalization in itself is not right or wrong; the impacts it creates on our way of life should be carefully analyzed. We do not want globalization to upset our harmonious social balance and crumble our rich traditions and cultures.

An inclusive global information society must be our goal and we must firmly and collectively reject digital domination that seeks to make the rich richer and the poor poorer.

I like these segments of his speech where he talks of matters economic.

Terrorism has emerged as a serious threat to international peace, security, stability and democracy. The growing menace of terrorism, both at home and abroad, concerns us all. Terrorism has metamorphosed our world. My country has been the victim of senseless terrorism for nearly a decade now. The agents of terror are bent on overthrowing a constitutional order and replacing it with a rejected ideology of a one-party communist dictatorship.

This is misleading of him to say this. For one, monarchy as a political ideology is even more archaic than Maoism. On the other hand he knowingly refuses to acknowledge the ideological leap of the Maoists to move from the goal of a communist republic to a democratic republic. These Maoists in Nepal are willing to shift to a multi-party framework. It is the king who is not accepting of that framework.

We would like to emphasize that, as terrorism knows no geographical boundary, terrorism in Nepal is certain to affect the whole of South Asia. Nepal condemns terrorism in all its forms and manifestations, committed by whomever, whatsoever and for whatever reasons. We expect a similar attitude on the part of the international community. South Asia must send a clear message that violence cannot be an instrument to further political objectives.

The February First step in Nepal was necessitated by ground realities, mainly the failure of successive governments to contain ever-emboldening terrorists and maintain law and order. It has not come at the cost of democracy, as some tend to project it. We remind the international community of the pre-February First situation in Nepal. Our friends and well-wishers were warning us of the danger of Nepal turning into a failed state.

Some guy by the name of George W. invented the term War On Terror. But the king is teaching Marxism to none other than Karl Marx himself, although knowing what I do know about George W. I would not equate W. with Marx or any thinker in any ideological camp. My point being your experiment has been one in dictatorship, not one in any War On Terror.

The terrorism card will not work. You have been watching too much television. The corruption card will work, but it will work against the palace and the army.

There is no place today in the Kingdom where security personnel cannot go at will.

Is that why Nepal is number one in terms of human rights abuses in the world?

We believe that there cannot be a meaningful exercise in democracy without elections. We have also asked those who have been misguided to renounce violence and to take part in a competitive democratic political process.

That is why we are for elections to a constituent assembly. Musharrafism has no place in Nepal. For that matter, it has no place in Pakistan either.

It is ironical to note that the global war on terrorism is not matched by global action against it. The global war on terrorism has failed to reach every nook and corner of the world, especially in weak and vulnerable countries, as if they do not deserve justice and protection from terrorism. It is this double standard and selective approach that is assuming a dangerous character rather than terrorism itself. We cannot make a distinction between good and bad terrorism; terrorism is terrorism. In our region, the Declaration of the 11th SAARC Summit held in Kathmandu categorically stated that “terrorism, in all its forms and manifestations, is a challenge to all states and to all of humanity, and cannot be justified on ideological, political, religious or any other ground”. We agreed that “terrorism violates the fundamental values of the United Nations and the SAARC Charter and constitutes one of the most serious threats to international peace and security in the Twenty-first century”. Nepal has ratified the SAARC Convention on Suppression of Terrorism and its Additional Protocol with the belief that these instruments provide an effective tool to counter terrorism in the region. We call upon the SAARC member states to forge a strong partnership to eliminate terrorism from the region as well as spearhead a coordinated and earnest action against it.

I consider myself a minor authority on racism. I really like your bringing this up. If the US and Europe speaking for democracy is racism, where does that put India? Are Indians also racists? Where does that put the Nepali diaspora? Is that crowd also racist? I admire your guts to take on the big powers, but your claims are highly misplaced. The struggle for democracy in Nepal is not about those foreign powers. It is about the 27 million people in Nepal.

In order to promote people-to-people contacts on a larger scale, we must think of a visa-free regime in South Asia along with a free trade regime.

Free and frank exchange of views among the leaders in an environment characterized by a greater degree of informality will help further promote trust and understanding.

I wish he had the same attitude about the leaders of the seven party coalition. He does not even recognize their existence.

This Dhaka speech is a little more revealing than the Tunis speech for its political content. And there are parts of the speech that are praiseworthy, greatly so, most of them to do with the regional economy. That might suggest King Gyanendra is a smart individual. But that might as well be a strong case for a republican setup rather than a monarchical one. In a republican electoral fray, smart individuals like him and Baburam Bhattarai get to compete, and let the people decide as to who is more capable to lead.

My Proposed Constitution can also be read as a proposal to reinvent the monarchy itself. On the other hand, if the king continue his intransigence, the document has a clear republican framework. We are not willing to wait forever.

Tunis

Nepal is committed to the Geneva Declarations of Principles. We believe that the Internet, which has become omnipresent in our lives, can be truly beneficial to humankind if a multi-stakeholder participation, which is inclusive and transparent, can be developed. The international community needs to give special attention to the needs of the developing, land-locked and mountainous countries which face problems of promoting the use of ICTs due to high infrastructure costs.

The State's efforts have been further augmented with the establishment of an autonomous High Level Commission for Information Technology to enhance internal and external private investment and to stimulate new economic sectors like e-commerce. It is a matter of satisfaction that this has resulted in an ever-growing mutually beneficial partnership between the government and the private sector in the field of information technology.


The king did not say anything significant in Tunis. He merely offered a bunch of platitudes. There is no overarching policy intiative or technological breakthrough to be discerned here. It is not informative either to the political developments in Nepal, it not being a political speech.

He talks of infrastructure. He needs to understand 12 years of half-baked democracy did more for infrastructure in Nepal than more than 230 years of monarchy. That is not a statement on particular actors within that democracy, but on the ideal of democracy itself. That applies also to information technology.

When the king took over on 2/1, his first instinct was to cut off access to the internet from the country. That person is not a friend of information technology.

The internet is about opening boudaries and minds and societies. It is about interactive exposure. The king shut it off.

On the other hand, I could not imagine this democratic revolution without the internet. It is because of the internet that you can do almost everything except show up in the streets in Kathamandu when you are far away in New York City.

The king with his outdated politics is not helping the spread of the internet in Nepal. He is in the way.

It is only through the internet that a country like Nepal can hope to bridge the gap between itself and the richest countries. The internet is that fundamental.

When Nepal finally comes around to adopting my Proposed Constitution, it will have adopted the first constitution in the world that has the word internet in it. It will be the first information age constitution for any country.

Podcast

December 13, 2005 (15 minutes) My participation at the Nepal Democracy Forum online has made me much more understanding of and patient with the leaders of the seven party coalition in Kathmandu. The group made an important leap from the idea of moral support only to the idea of moral as well as logistical support. Then five specific projects were identified. There are people working on each. But the speed is so slow. Taking two weeks to compose a one page letter is not revolutionary work. Ego, ethnic prejudice, jealousy and primitive group dynamics come into play and slow down efforts.

Time For Madhesi Militancy Is Now



Militancy, as in non-violent militancy. A militancy where you use words like they were bullets.

It is about using the reverse psychology on the Bahuns.

Bahuns are less than 10% of Nepal's population, more like 5, but they have managed to keep every other group off balance. How? They attack at the level of the collective identity, and keep every other group off balance. The Bahun democrats have a long way to go.

Democracy without social justice can not be imagined. And the time to see that and say that is now. You can not wait for later. Later when? After the Bahuns have managed to scuttle federalism? Is that when? No, the time is now. The right wing in power wishes to deny us democracy, the Bahuns wish to turn that democracy into a joke, not into social justice. The game is very much on.

How do you go about it? The Madhesi presence wherever there is Madhesi-Pahandi interaction tends to be along the 95-5 lines. That is true also in America.

That 5 has to learn to speak for the missing 45. That is where the non-violent militancy comes in.

The Madhesi-Pahadi divide is the fundamental issue of social justice in Nepal. Madhesi Dalits are discriminiated against, Madhesi women are discriminated against. The hill Janajatis often are very much part of that Pahadi superstructure.

The Dalit-Madhesi-Janajati-Mahila mantra comes second.

First and foremost is the Madhesi-Pahadi dynamic. The anti-Madhesi prejudice and hostility is front and center. This country is not going anywhere without resolving this fundamental knot.

The solutions are so very obvious, but the Bahuns are in the way.

But the political aspects are for later, in the political rings. The social aspects are immediate.

The mental slavery has to go.

The pride has to be active.

The renunciation of Pahadi prejudice has to be total, vocal, immediate. And the effort has to start in the diaspora where the Madhesis do not depend on the Pahadis for career advancement. If not here, where? If not you, who? If not now, when?

Taking the country to a constituent assembly, and attaining total political equality for the Madhesis through that constituent assembly is the only way. There is no other way. The time is now. Very much now.

If the Madhesis miss this boat now, the Madhesis are passing the workload onto the next generation. That is irresponsible. That is unnecessary. The time is now.

Act. Reach out. Bond. Contribute. If you have not been political before, become so now. Donate. Become part of the conversation. Call people. Talk. Ask questions. Seek answers.

It is so easy to do.

This revolution does not ask for your blood. This is a revolution that will reinvent non-violence itself. But this is a revolution that does ask that you stand up and speak up.

This is not a quest to seek vengeance, but to seek justice uncompromisingly. There is no half there. Ye aar ki paar ki ladai hai.

We have to become a loud voice inside the movement now. Or the movement will slow down. Even if it reaches its zenith, it will cheat us like every revolution in Nepal before.

I am not the ultimate authority, I am just one voice, and there must be other suggestions. But I think there are two things that can be done concretely. Pride is important, but not enough. Ultimately there has to be concrete action.

(1) Join one of the five projects, donate $100: Nepal 5, Nepal 1000.
(2) Critique the Proposed Constitution.

The iron is hot. The time to strike is now. The mud is wet. The time to shape it is now. Tomorrow will be too late. So reach out from wherever you are.

NDF Owner, Stop This Nonsense, Reinstate Immediately
In The Quest For Social Justice Feelings Are Going To Get Hurt
Madhesi

NDF Owner, Stop This Nonsense, Reinstate Immediately


Nepal Democracy Forum "Moderators":
Disqualified To Particpate In Democracy Movement


In The Quest For Social Justice Feelings Are Going To Get Hurt

This hide and seek game the Nepal Democracy Forum "moderators" seem to like to play has entered its second round. I just noticed I have been kicked out again, for a second time. What happened?

Pramod Aryal, who otherwise has done some good work on the medical services project, posted a crybaby thread a few evenings before basically saying, it is me or Paramendra Bhagat, take a pick, or kick me out. Aryal decided he was going to be a martyr for Bahunbaad. He was going to sacrifice his place at the forum. He could have done it quietly. You don't need a moderator to help you do that. You can simply unsubscibe. But no, he was going to go down in style. He was instead back within hours.

Pramod Aryal and Deepak Khadka are like the Pahadi/Bahun attack dogs at the forum. Their latest attacks were directed towards Jeetendra Joshee, who just so happens to be chairing the Nepalese Americas Council which is the umbrella organization for all Nepali organizations in America. Both have at other times made some important contributions on specific topics at the forum. But they got to create the stink at the same time. Some of the most ridiculously personal attacks come from these two.

And then there are these hitherto unnamed underworld dons called moderators. There is no moderating going on at the forum. There have only been free flowing conversations. But these unnamed individuals call themselves moderators. They might have started this group, which is free of charge, and takes about 30 seconds to do, it is not exacly like climbing Mount Everest. And they have managed to compile an impressive list of individuals there who like to think of themselves as some kind of a Who's Who, many for sound reasons, several for dubious reasons.

These so-called moderators and a few who create stink come across as Girija's disciples to me. They outright get a failing grade from me when it comes to transparency, internal democracy and such within a group professing to work towards democracy.

A group that does not believe in free speech can not possibly be fighting for free speech, and free speech is the most fundamental of all democratic principles. A group that does not practice internal democracy can not possibly be fighting for democracy. And prejudiced Pahadis/Bahuns are enemies of social justice, so also enemies of democracy itself. There is to be no democracy without social justice.

These so-called moderators, I guess they could legitimately call themselves founders, but they are no moderators. Moderators are those who moderate. I seem to have been doing that. Call me a moderator, if you intend to be accurate. I have been the most voluminous contributor at the forum. This month my volume has been twice as much as the second person in line whose volume has been five times of the fifth person in line. That would make me the most active "legislator" in the "parliament."

But then I have also been the one most involved in action, in terms of helping execute the various projects. The one project I have been most actively involved with has been the one that has seen the most progress on the ground. Coincidence? You want to wish there were more people like me at the forum. But these primitive, retarded Pahadis/Bahuns stand confused. They like the sound of democracy, but not the feel of it. Their prejudice is their identity: they have no other.

I have been the origin or the conduit of some of the best ideas. The medical services idea originated in a phone conversation I had with Lilamni Pokharel. He was the first person to have blurted it. Now this group is big on the idea. But it has taken the group two weeks to produce one letter. Their social primitiveness is way behind the technology at hand. The technology says simply email to the Nepal Medical Association. But no, they want a hard copy with signatures. And it takes them about a week to collect two signatures, which they had still not collected the last I checked.

These are Pahle Aap, Pahle Aap people. Their ego comes first. They are not in tune with the movement in Nepal. Their first obeisance is to some kind of a social hierarchy they imagine to exist among the Nepalis in America: I recognize none. If anything, they come across as inferior neanderthals to me, wallowing in their thick soup of Pahadi/Bahun prejudice, unwilling to let go. These people need to grow up. That is what.

If the movement came first, this so-called letter to the NMA would have been composed and emailed within 24 hours of when the idea first originated. By now each of the 116 members would have coughed up $100 each, which is a pittance for literally every Nepali in America, even those who work illegally, below minimum wage. But these brown sahibs, they talk tall, they profess they are willing to donate $1000, maybe even "life savings." It takes literally about two minutes to send money online.

So 24 hours to compose and send a letter, another week to prepare the budget and the plan at the other end in Kathmandu, and that much to raise the money at this end. But we are still at the letter writing phase. Enough egos have not been massaged. These people are not revolutionaries raring to contribute to the cause of democracy in Nepal. These are homesick people who want to talk endlessly about Nepal, as a way to connect among themselves. If not, they would be interested in producing results.

They get a failing grade on social progressive thinking. They fare even worse on group dynamics, and effective project implementation, and things like that. Look at some of the ideas these geniuses have come up with recently.
  1. Take two weeks to write a one page letter to be sent to the NMA: You would think they are about to write something of the same gravitas as the Communist Manifesto or the Declaration Of Independence.
  2. Expect most of the fundraising to be done in Kathmandu: And so you are going to contribute exactly how? You think they can't come up with ideas for first aid back there in Kathmandu? Or that they need to be prodded before they will do it on their own? It has been my experience it is these armchair intellectuals who need all the prodding, who are bereft of concrete ideas to help the movement.
  3. Have donors send money directly to Kathmandu, one at a time: That makes no sense. You will not have any way to tell if the money is being raised or not. That bank transfer is much harder than the one over PayPal. You lose a lot of money in transfer fees. It makes so much more sense to collect money in one pool and then send the big chunk all at once. But this is what I call one of those x-ray ideas. This idea helps you measure the anti-Madhesi prejudice among the neanderthals. I am the one taking the lead on fundraising so far. I am the one who first brought the PayPal idea. I am the one who cut the deal with MoneyToNepal.com to reduce the transfer fees to near zero. I am the one who has basically agreed to literally every fundraising idea that anyone ever raised. But then all that makes it look like I am the leader, doesn't it? That really causes some serious heartburn among these neanderthals.
  4. No to book keeping: This is sheer genius. You don't want to keep track of money at this end, and you don't want to keep track at the other end. This idea is mainly being propagated by those who have specific individuals from their personal circles in mind. You want to send money to them and keep them unaccountable. That is alarming, to say the least. We are talking about serious amounts of money here. You owe it to the movement and to the donors to keep track of all the money. I can understand you can not disclose all the names. But that does not apply to the money raised and spent. And there can be various levels to the transparency. If seven individuals get together and come around a mini project and contribute $1000 each, and they want to keep all the book keeping among themselves, is that okay? Sure. The rest of us just get to see the end product. But that does not apply to money raised $20, $100 at a time from many individuals, and spent Rs 1000, Rs 2000 at a time in Kathmandu.
Other than the Pahadi/Bahun fog of prejudice, the biggest roadblock is the technology says cloud model, but these neanderthals want to keep bringing back the pyramid model, the only model of organizing they ever learned. These so-called moderators imagine themselves to be chairing the whole thing, even when their contributions are near to nil to date. They imagine themselves the constitutional monarchs of the Nepali diaspora.

They just don't get it. They don't get the cloud model. I explained it once: The Cloud Model, Not The Pyramid Model. It is simpler than the pyramid model. But I guess habits of mind die hard.

Let me try again.

There is no leader. There are five specific projects with no barriers to entry at any level. The more the merrier. All discussions and book keeping are to stay transparent, some to the whole world, some to only members of the projects. Any person's glow is directly related to that peson's activity level. The most active will glow the brightest. It is possible there will end up five, or six or 10 very bright stars in the galaxy. It need not be one. There is absolutely no hierarchy.

The third roadblock is plain jealousy. These are all amateurs. They are literate politically, but they are not sophisticated. The number one symptom of their ignorance is for them to think politics is just common sense. The truth is politics is way more complicated than chemistry. Of every Nepali in the diaspora, I am number one in the field. For them it might be hobby, for me it is career. That really seems to upset them. The last straw might have been this post: Nepal Message To Top Democrats.

This latest kickout has been the unity of the dumb.

Curiously, very few of the people active with the five projects are active at this forum. This group is not even good at issuing press statements, the only thing it has been doing so far. The heck with them. It is about three loudmouths talking to each other endlessly in circles.

Progressive Nepal

In The News

Court rejects PIL against municipal polls NepalNews
Govt. media downplay Indian Foreign Secretary’s visit
Soaring inflation getting difficult to control: NRB
US-based Nepalis express concern over human rights situation in Nepal
Hetauda Appellate Court orders RA not to threaten journo
‘Nepali version of Windows will enhance people’s access to IT’
Army Chief Thapa leaves for Pakistan
CIAA files case against joint general secretary
179 police inspectors transferred
Nepal: now it’s the military’s turn
'Arms embargo stays till consensus in Nepal' Times of India
Nepal army chief to meet Musharraf Times of India, India
Saran Meets Koirala, Nepal Himalayan Times, Nepal
Nepal King’s Advisors Hold Meeting in Far West NewsLine Nepal, Nepal
Nepal Army Abuse Villagers in Western Nepal NewsLine Nepal, Nepal
Important government announcement this week: Nepal's Home Minister Asian Tribune, Thailand
Important government announcement this week: Former Nepalese PM Asian Tribune
Referendum First Gorkhapatra
Nepal: Alliance Leaders Rule Out Difference NewsLine Nepal
Nepal’s Alliance to Hold Phase-wise Talks With Maoist NewsLine Nepal
Pro-Royalist RPP Urges Nepal King for Multi-Party Govt
NewsLine Nepal, Nepal
Cabinet Reshuffle will Worsen Crisis: Rana Himalayan Times
King Grants Audience to Indian Foreign Secy
NewsLine Nepal, Nepal

Sunday, December 11, 2005

December 11 Sunday 11 AM Union Square


Every Sunday 11 AM Union Square

The first time it was Anil Shahi, Sanjaya Parajuli, Sarahana Shrestha and me and it was in Chinatown. The next time it was the same group and the location was Union Square. The one after that was at Binay Sah's place. It was cold, and free lunch is a tempting proposition. That is when I met Ritesh for the first time. Then the invitation was extended to three other people, but only a total of two showed, one was out of town, a second had prior engagements, two were working, and so on: so Divita Mehta and I talked. She bought me MoMo. For this one four showed, although one was out of town, and three others were lined up to show. Sarahana called saying noone responded to her email when she asked if others were coming. She just might have overslept! Anil is out in New Hampshire attending a wedding. Binay is on call. Divita, Ritesh and I have another get together Tuesday evening.

The last major Nepali event in town was Rajeev Goyal's fundraiser, but I had to miss that for another DFNYC event. I donated to the Goyal fund online. (Lampson, Mistry, Dance-a-thon, LinkUp) In hindsight, I should have missed the DFNYC event and saved myself $75!

We don't have pictures from the prior events. I am glad Ritesh brought along his camera.

Mr. Sanjaya Parajuli was in attendance, Master Sanjaya Parajuli stole the show, and Ritesh Chaudhary was the guest of honor. Ritesh is a techie from Janakpur. He knows people in far away places who read this blog!

Over the weekend I had managed to mess up my body clock, so I was mostly twisting and turning in bed most of the night. I was able to catch a few hours of nap in early morning after I got out of bed and helped myself to Ramen noodles.

It was a nice day, although how nice I found out only after I got to Union Square. No wind, a lot of sun. But then we went indoors into Starbucks - Sanjaya bought me coffee - and by the time we came out, the sun was a goner.

Sanjaya showed up with his son. We had a pleasant conversation. We touched many bases. I was raring to maybe visit local Nepalis into their homes, call people, do phone banking if lists be available. He cautioned it might be better to instead grow this Sunday 11 AM crowd, a little at a time.

I have been writing to people in Boston and DC to replicate. And then to smaller towns across the country where people would hold the meet inside living rooms, take pictures and send them all to one central location online.

It is a nice social activity in its own right. But it is also important solidarity expression.

I brought up the topic of moving beyond the usual crowd of the politically active or those with white collar jobs, although there are many Nepalis who work blue collar jobs locally below minimum wage who might have advanced degrees from back in Nepal or India or elsewhere. The problem is they also tend to work crazy hours. It would be hard for them to show up.

I hope fundraisers will be held in living rooms for them at times of their convenience. I know that crowd parties hard. I have been to a few. Perhaps we can keep expanding our network. There is something called the cellphone.

Anil tells me there are more than 15,000 Nepalis in New York City.

Sanjaya and I touched many other bases. We talked about the projects we and others are involved with. Sanjaya threw in some important insights as to how there is more than one way to go about the projects. Transparent, online book keeping makes little sense for the clandestine projects. True. There are some mini projects that noone will know anything about. Only the end products will get seen. There will be few donors, all anonymous, each potentially big, as in $1000 each, and if there be book keeping, it will stay within that really small group, and for safety purposes, the names of the people actually carrying out the work in Kathamandu will not be circulated even among that small group of donors. I totally bought into what Sanjaya explained to me. Whatever works. As long as the work gets done, there has to be more than one way of doing it.

Ritesh arrived about 20 minutes late. By then Sanjaya, his son and I had already moved on to the coffee shop. Usually I am not big on coffee. It is social drinking for me.

The three of us had long, expansive talks on many different topics, very few of them to do with the Nepal movement. In the mean time Master Parajuli explored the nooks and corners of the coffee shop.

We mostly talked of globalization and how it impacts countries like Nepal and India, especially in how it impacts us and people we know. We talked India and China. There were the stories we had.

Then we dispersed. The Parajulis took off, and Ritesh and I went for MoMo. Darbar East is nice that way. Dhrubaji likes to engage in political talk.

Then we walked over towards Times Square. It was getting cold, but it was worth it. Ritesh knew of this shop where he wanted to buy a sweater. I ended up buying a winter cap and a pair of gloves. The prices were low. I like my prices low. I am a Walmart kind of guy.

Then it was adios until Tuesday, "7:45ish," for Ritesh and me.

We got to grow from four to 10 to 40 to more. Spread the word. When Nepal hits the world headlines, local media will come to us. That attention will further help the movement.

NAC Goes Proactive


Jeet Joshi ji.

What took you so long?

Kidding. Not really.

But, sincerely, thanks.

Action is good. Any and all action in "that" direction is good.

The NAC Executive Committee is a recognized body of individuals. Although many of those individuals are members of this ND forum, the NAC has an independent identity. I am so very glad you all came out with this action.

Do more of this and more often. Keep firing off press statements. Develop a rapid response mechanism. Write to more bodies and individuals. Write to EU, to China, to Venezuela. Write, write, write.

Every act of state repression has to be hit back with a NAC press statement. Strike back within hours at best, within 24 hours at most. More than 24 hours and it looks stale.

List names of all member organizations. List names of all members of the Board. That is how you make it LOUD.

Maybe assign one person to immediately draft letters when events take place. Then circulate over email and give people about 6 hours to respond. And fire off. Let the valley ring with your word bullets.

I respectfully thank you and the NAC Board. Keep up the good work.

Now let me go read the letter!

:-)





Nepalese Americas Council
P.O. Box 9883, San Bernardino, CA 92407
NAC Since 1991
Web: www.NepalCouncil.org
Phone: 909-792-0343

December 9, 2005

President Jimmy Carter
The Carter Center
One Copenhill
453 Freedom Parkway
Atlanta, GA 30307

Dear Mr. President,

On behalf of Nepalese Americas Council (NAC) and its member organizations located throughout the North American continent, I would like to express my sincere gratitude to the Carter Center for its continued interest in peace and democracy in Nepal.

Mr. President, as you know, a popular movement in 1990 overthrew a thirty year long autocracy in Nepal in favor of a democratic system of governance. Taking advantage of the strength of a democratic system and weakness of newly adopted system that was still in the learning phase, Maoists launched an insurgency with a publicly declared goal of establishing a communist republic.

To make the matter worse, King Gyanendra engineered a coup d'etat and took over a democratically elected government on February 1, 2005. Since then he has ignored all internal and international call for a dialogue with democratic political parties in order to restore democracy and to seek a solution by bringing the Maoists into the main stream democratic polity.

Recently, the Maoists and the democratic forces represented by seven political parties reached an understanding where Maoists have shown serious interest to participate in the multi-party democracy. They declared a three-month unilateral ceasefire. However, the royal Nepalese army commanded by the king did not reciprocate this gesture despite calls from international community, human rights organizations and activists, and Nepalese people in general.

The ceasefire declared by the Maoists ended on the first week of December 2005. On the request of democratic parties, people, human rights organizations and activists, Maoist recently agreed to extend the ceasefire for another month.

Mr. President, such a good window of opportunity to end the decade long violence and political turmoil had not been appeared before. The 12 point agreement between the political party alliance and the Maoists provides that the arms of both the Royal Nepalese Army and the Maoists to be supervised by UN or a dependable international body to ensure free and fair election to the constituent assembly. As this agreement presents a rare chance to bring peace and to restore democracy, it will be extremely unfortunate if this opportunity is lost and the country that is already at the brink of collapse enters into another deadly phase of violence.

Therefore, Mr. President, Nepalese Americas Council (NAC), its member organizations listed below and Nepalese Diaspora in the North American continent call upon you to help, either individually, or through the Carter Center, in concert or in collaboration with the United Nations, or in any other manner you feel appropriate. We also request you to consider a short personal trip to Nepal to take a political stock and to provide an impetus to the political process towards returning to peace and the restoration of civil liberties, human rights, and democracy at the earliest possible time.

Thank you.

Sincerely,


Dr. Jeet Joshee
President, Nepalese Americas Council

NAC Member Organizations and other Community Groups.Organizations:

America Nepal Friendship Society (ANFS), New York
America Nepal Society (ANS), California
Association of Nepalis in the Americas (ANA)
Association of the Nepalese in the Midwest America
Association of Nepali Terain in America (ANTA)
Florida Nepalese Association (FNA)
Greater Boston Nepali Community ( Boston)
Kaligandaki Friendship Society (KFC), Washington, D.C.
Liberal Democracy Nepal (LDN)
Nepalese Association in South East America ( NASeA)
Nepalese and Friends Association (NAFA)
Nepali Youth Organization (NYO), Washington, D.C.
Nepa Pasha Pucha Amerikaye (NPPA)
Nepal Cultural Society of B.C. (NCSBC)
Nepal Seattle Society
Nepal Community Network of Canada (NCNC)
Nepali Women’s Network of North America
NCNC( North Carolina)
Nepalese Society of Texas ( Dallas)
Nepali American Public Affairs Council (NAPAC)
Nepal Concern Group-Canada
Nepal Enterprise Forum
Nepal Democracy Forum
Rocky Mountain Friends of Nepal (Denver)
Society of Ex-Budhanilkantha Students - North America
Indira Foundation

Saturday, December 10, 2005

In The Quest For Social Justice Feelings Are Going To Get Hurt


ND Dynamics
The Cloud Model, Not The Pyramid Model
ND Glasnost
Diaspora Logistical Help To The Movement
Logistics To Bring Down The Regime
To: ND Group, c/o Puru Subedi
Madhesi
Nepal Democracy Google Group Does Not Believe In Free Speech

I believe the discussions at the Nepal Democracy forum boil down to this:

(1) Join one of the five projects: Nepal 5, Nepal 1000.
(2) Critique the Proposed Constitution.

Progress is being made with all five projects. But I wish things were moving faster. And so I am going to confront one issue head on, the Madhesi-Pahadi issue.

Madhesis are a hugely marginalized group, surely in Nepal, but also in the mini Nepals in America. And the Madhesis in America need to take the lead on this, just like the Pahadis in America need to exhibit they are capable of a positive transformation on their part. They need to be working on their hearts.

I have been in New York City six months now. Before that I was in Kentucky and Indiana. And the small local Nepali communities there were not a big part of my life back there. I moved to Kentucky from Kathmandu. The anti-Madhesi fog in Kathmandu is too thick for me to have longingly hobnobbed with the local Nepalis in Kentucky, not that there were that many opportunities in the first place.

Moving to New York City alone would not have done the trick. If it were not for the democracy movement, I doubt I would have made a point to really reach out to the local Nepalis. I might have more comfortably gravitated towards the South Asian crowd. One of the better things about being in America for me has been discovering the Indian in me, giving it expression. When I travelled across America, and people asked me where I was from, I said India. Mostly they did not even ask, they just assumed, and they assumed right. I was born in India.

But the democracy movement has brought me crashing back to Nepal. In the process the biggest discovery I have made is to see again the sad political plight of the Madhesis in Nepal. The Terai is responsible for over 70% of the state revenue in Nepal, and gets less than 20% back, mostly in terms of payments for civil servants, most of whom are Pahadi in the first place. Madhesis are 50% of Nepal, and yet are super marginalized in all walks of life, kind of like the women on the planet.

So when I express my ire at the Nepal Democracy forum, I am making up for all the Madhesis that are not present at the forum. There are 116 members. Only one other is Madhesi that I know of. In a just world, you would have had 58 Madhesis. I feel like I am having to make up for the difference.

I can differentiate between the general b.s. and the anti-Madhesi prejudice. And I do exhibit that sophistication here: ND Dynamics. But there is no denying the anti-Madhesi prejudice. Just like the false anti-India-based nationalism of the Monarchists, the anti-Madhesi prejudice is a big part of the glue that brings and keeps the Bahuns/Pahadis together. It is sick. There is this utter reluctance to see a Madhesi in a leadership position, even more so if those Pahadis have to be members of any team that a Madhesi might lead. The very sugggestion is deemed offensive.

So far my interaction at the forum has been that of a foreign particle amidst white blood cells. I have listed a whole bunch of reasons why here: ND Dynamics. But the elephant in the room is the Madhesi-Pahadi issue. Of the 116 members of this self proclaimed "parliament," maybe two are Madhesi. That is even worse than the parliament that Nepal had. Looks to me like the more educated and accomplished these Pahadis/Bahuns get, more exclusive they become. The proof is in the pudding. The composition of this group is proof. And that composition generates hostility for someone like me.

It is a collective identity, individual identity thing. And I have explained that in a short story: Two Storey Building. I have also explained that on a larger scale here: A Few Diagrams.

One boring tactic is they attack you precisely because you are Madhesi, and then they go on this long trajectory about how it is nothing to do with your being Madhesi, it is about you, the individual. That is old hat. Try something a little more sophisticated. That dog is not going to hunt. And even if it is purely personal, I am putting up with it because?

These Pahadis/Bahuns are like birds that hit the glass window repeatedly in their individual career quests on a daily basis: such can be the promise of America. But then during their evenings and weekends, they find themselves in their mini Nepals. And they dig out their imported prejudices with a vengeance. They outdo their own inheritance.

I just visited the webpages of most of the prominent Nepali organizations in the US. There are hardly any Madhesi names in sight anywhere among the leadership. The Pahadis in the diaspora seem to fare even worse than the Pahadi government in Nepal. You have to ask, what is the social dynamic at play? What excludes? Why is there that 95-5 rule all places where the Madhesis interact with the Pahadis? Curiously that also applies to the diversity visa thing. That 95-5 rule applies also there.

The anti-Madhesi prejudice in Nepal is that fundamental. It is in the DNA of the country. That is why nothing less than major surgery is acceptable. Any Pahadi/Bahun against a constituent assembly and against federalism is on the other side, is an opponent, be they in Nepal or America.

I have little tolerance for Pahadis/Bahuns who talk of some kind of a personal bond, real, imagined, and/or exaggerated, that they might have with me or a few other Madhesis as evidence that things are okay, their heart is clean, Nepal is fine. You got to shift to policy talk. Federalism is that litmus test where you prove if you are for or against Madhesis.

And that is why Bahuns who drag their feet on the movement are proof these people secretly fantasize somehow the 1990 constitution can be brought back. Those are political opponents.

I am the only Nepali in America I know of who is doing movement work full time. I gave three years of my life to the Sadbhavana before I came to the US: the evil Bahuns at Budhanilkantha tried to kick me out three different times. That practically qualifies for child abuse. I got myself elected student president at college as a freshman in the Bible Belt South. I am active in local New York City politics. I don't know of any Nepali who is. I have plans for 2008. No other Nepali does. I have been working to present Nepal as the Iraq for the Democrats.

This movement in Nepal speaks to me at more than one level.

Too many individuals in other fields talk like politics is just common sense whereas rocket science is rocket science. The truth is politics is more complicated than chemistry. So, yes, politically speaking I am the most qualified Nepali in America, second to none.

People have asked this question, who is the leader at this end? I have consistently proposed a model where there is no leader. (The Cloud Model, Not The Pyramid Model) If your glow is your activity level, then I sure am the brightest star in the galaxy. If that makes me the leader, so be it. Live with it. But I insist, there truly is no leader. All discussions and book keeping stay transparent. Within that framework, every interested person can hope to get involved to the extent they want to, time permitting.

There is no pyramid, there is a galaxy, and I do come across as a bright star, don't I? Give as much time as I do, and you too can hope to become one. The problem is not that there are too many workers. It has been the other way round. So stop whining. Instead volunteer.

People instead make relentless attacks on the idea of a possible Madhesi leader. They can get really creative when doing that. Like with fundraising, there has been this major hue and cry about my first attempt. I supported all other ideas for the same, but those ideas have not been carried out, at least not yet. If your alternate ideas are better for you, go work them out. Money is green no matter how it is raised.

A few volunteer to heap verbal abuse over the phone, and get likewise response. Stick to the online forum.

Some become crybabies. When you challenge their prejudiced hearts, you really hurt their feelings. They make it sound like you deprived them of their justly due brotherly love. What instead is happening is old, prejudiced bonds are breaking, and that breaking is necessary. To make room for new, progressive, egalitarian, mutually respectful bonds. So don't whine and cry. Pick yourself up and keep moving. We are not family, but maybe we can be comrades.

This diagram helps understand. The social bonds at the bottom have to necessarily be broken so both groups - the oppressor and the oppressed - can move up to healthier interaction at the higher levels.

And then those who feign surprise, I thought he was a nice guy, he comes across as such in person. Well, this forum is work to me, hard core political work. When I say hello to you for 10 seconds, that might have been socializing.