Thursday, November 24, 2005

This Movement Also Against Rana Rule: Satchit Is So Much B.S.

Kamal Thapa: “The agreement between the Maoists and the political parties will rather complicate the peace process while the issue of disarming the Maoists and the army under the supervision of the United Nations at the time of constituent assembly is a laughing matter.”

“The leaders who have been head of the government have failed to realise the difference between the Maoist’s army and the Royal Nepalese Army and this only reflects the level of their ideological bankruptcy.”

“This unnatural coalition between the seven parties and the Maoists will spur more anarchy, conflict and bloodshed.”

Satchit Shamsher Rana: “The political parties have formed an unnatural coalition with the Maoists under the guidance of the foreigners.”

And you thought the Rana rule was over, Jung Bahadur is no longer on the scene.

Democracy is every Nepali's birthright. And those who conspire against democracy ought to be tried for treason. Satchit Shamsher conspired against the people in 1990, and he is doing so now These are crimes he is committing. You document their misdeeds, and you subject them to due process.

A military crackdown does not have to happen. Those who merely speak it, those who merely issue threats are guilty of treason and should be tried by the democratic government once it takes over power.

These people are beyond redemption.

NATIONAL 6 -(Spotlight Weekly)] May 2001 Though the mobilization of army to contain internal insurgency has been finalized, its implications are still subject to debate and discussion. "When police fails to control an insurgency, then the army is mobilized to suppress the rebellion. But in such a case the hands of the army should not tied and a state of emergency needs to be declared in the region," said Satchit Shumsher JB Rana, former chief of army staff at the Royal Nepalese Army. "It would be much easier for the army to accomplish its job if the parliament and police support its actions." .... According to Rana, in Nepal, the army is much more powerful than the (Maoist) rebels. So, if there is any assault against it, it will retaliate. In such a case, the number of casualties could be much higher. In such a case, if the armed conflict gets on protracted as professed by the rebels, the country could fall into the trap of a civil war, warn experts.
Local News [The Kathmandu Post (Nepal)] September 2003 Leader of the CPN (unity centre) Chitra Bahadur KC, former judge Krishna Jung Rayamajhi, former Chief of the Army Staff, Satchit Shumsher JB Rana, Man Mohan Bhattarai of the Nepali Congress (Democratic), CPN-ML general secretary CP Mainali and other speakers called upon the Maoists to stop the serial murders and seek a solution through dialogue.
The Rising Nepal 2005
Nepali Times | Issue 135 | From the Nepali Press 2003 There must be give and take for the ceasefire to become lasting peace. His Majesty’s Government and the Maoists can’t lead the talks to a logical conclusion by themselves. Political parties, social and human rights organisations should all be taken on board. It is very sad to see major political parties talking contradictorily regarding the peace talks....... The strength of Bangladesh’s army is nearly 125,000 while its area is roughly equal to ours. Sri Lanka now has an army of 150,000. The number of soldiers in Nepal is only around 50,000. Given our geographical conditions, Nepal needs to raise the strength of its army to around 125,000. In that situation, problems like the Maoist insurgency can be prevented from happening again. A nation’s security is as essential as education, health and development. ...... It’s our good fortune the army was not politicised and has His Majesty as the supreme commander. Otherwise, its fate would have been similar to that of the bureaucracy, police and intelligence sectors. If the army had been politicised, the Maoists would be ruling the country today. ..... The king has kept the army in order. If it is controlled by the parliament, the army can’t serve the nation properly. There should be a unitary command and the army must remain under the head of the state.
Nepali Times | Issue 134 | Nation | Peace now, talks later 2003 “The Maoists seem quite serious about a peaceful resolution this time, while the government looks utterly confused,” concludes Bhogendra Sharma, who was one of the rights activists who met the Mahara-Sharma duo on Tuesday. Sources say a high-level team comprising former chief secretary Karna Dhoj Adhikari, former chiefs of the Royal Nepali Army Satchit Shumsher J B Rana and Dharmapal Barsingh Thapa, and former police chief and RPP leader Dhruba Bahadur Pradhan, have been put into place to devise the government’s peace strategy.
MS Nepal - Maoist Insurgency Said Satchit Shumsher JB Rana, former chief of the Royal Nepalese Army, "Unlike a regular army, terrorists do not fight from a single fixed position. If they continue to keep their supply lines open, the war could stretch."

In The News

This is unholy tie: Analysts Gorkhapatra, Nepal
Parties-Maoist agreement unnatural: Satchit Nepali Times
King mulling yet another autocratic move: Nepal Nepali Times
A cartoon tells it all (Nepalnews commentary) Nepali Times, Nepal
‘Dialogue initiative with Maoists legitimate’ Kathmandu Post, Nepal
Parties-Maoist agreement unnatural: Satchit NepalNews

King mulling yet another autocratic move: Nepal NepalNews
Govt will first study parties-Maoist agreement: Vice-chairman Bista
Annan welcomes Alliance-Maoist accord
Government attempting to foil mass meeting: UML
Efforts for restoration of peace positive: FM Pandey
India cautiously welcomes Party-Maoist agreement

Wednesday, November 23, 2005

Nepal Democracy Google Group Does Not Believe In Free Speech

http://groups.google.com/group/nepaldemocracy

"Goebbels was in favor of free speech for views he liked. So was Stalin. If you're in favor of free speech, then you're in favor of freedom of speech precisely for views you despise. Otherwise, you're not in favor of free speech." Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media (1992).

First I got an invitation, so I joined. Then I started posting. I posted a lot. At one point I was the top poster for the month. I mean, I was active.

A few days back I learned I have been kicked out of the group. I applied again for membership. So far I have not heard from the moderator. I don't know who the moderator is. So far it appears to be a faceless entity.

I emailed a few people I knew who are with the group. They said they will bring it up with the moderator. Looks like there have been a few phone calls. A few emails. A few discussions.

The first thing that was brought up was etiquette.

Then the second thing that was brought up was national unity. These guys are funny. They feel the few things I have to say at some little Google group might be a threat to the national unity in Nepal. You got to take a second look at these guys.

Then there is offense being taken at the use of the term Pahadi chauvinism. These thin-skinned overeducated Bahuns are really upto something, it looks like.

People who pretend not to know the difference between the words "madisey" and Madhesi talk of national unity.

"I can't work with you."

These people obviously have no inkling of free speech. The group calls itself Nepal Democracy. Free speech is the fundamental tenet of democracy. That is why the king's media ordinance is offensive.

So far I have been trying to get one of the members to start a protest thread at the group's site. I am not sure it has happened as yet. So far the people have been too busy hobnobbing with whoever the moderator is.

Free speech is not a matter of convenience. You can not stand for it only when you hear pleasant things. These Bahuns can not stomach a legitimate discussion on social justice issues. That is what is happening.

They come to America, but live in their mini Nepals. Got to open your minds a little.

I prefer open discussions. That feels democratic. This group is closed. It is about a hundred individuals, of which maybe a half dozen write with any regularity. It is but a mailing list.

I prefer to do my work through this blog right here. I don't really miss the group, but this is a serious free speech issue.

Free speech can not be defined. You do not have to follow no etiquette. You don't have to be socially correct. By whose standards? You don't have to say things that make some closed minded Bahuns feel like they are actually open minded when they obviously are not.

Agreeing and disagreeing comes second.

There is a school of thought called democracy first, then social justice. I am not part of it. It is because there is another school of thought called peace first, then democracy. I am not part of that either. And they are in power right now.

Peace, democracy and social justice go together.

I am not someone ranting and raving. I have offered creative solutions.

Old prejudiced bonds have to be broken. New progressive bonds have to be formed. And that process can be smooth. You make it smooth through an open and respectful dialogue.

Check this out: The Spectrum/Dialogue Concept Is Key To Power.

If we at this end can not take the lead, what hopes at the other end?

Snuffing out dialogue on the social justice issue is exactly the wrong thing to do. Dialogue is what is needed. We have to initiate dialogue where none might exist. That is the way to go.

A constituent assembly will be a lot of dialogue. We have to facilitate that dialogue. If we can not do it here at some little Google group, what hopes at the other end in Nepal where the group situation is much more volatile, so volatile it is actually a civil war situation.

Social progress is beneficial for both the oppressor and the oppressed. Both groups benefit. Less sexism is good for both men and women, not just for women. Segregation was unhealthy for both blacks and whites in America.

This is the time for the Nepalis in America to be moving onto the next step, to go beyond moral support to actually helping with logistics. This is the time to be engaging in some massive fund-raising. This is not the time to get tripped by some modest talk on social justice.

I need to be reinstated at the Google group. I need to be talking again there.

I think all of us need to be taking a look at this Proposed Constitution and providing feedback. There is this tendency among Bahuns to somehow revive the 1990 constitution. That path is disaster. Make up your mind. That phase of history is over. Now we need to move to the next phase. There is no going back. There is only going forward.

Those who will not fight for my free speech do not have any right to protest the king's media ordinance. That is what it boils down to. No free speech is akin to no democracy. Free speech is that fundamental.

American Civil Liberties Union - Free Speech
Free Speech Radio News/Pacifica Reporters Against Censorship
ACLU: Internet Free Speech
FREEWAYBLOGGER.com - Free Speech: Use It or Lose It
Freedom of speech - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In The News

Nepal's Government Condemns Opposition's Agreement With Rebels Bloomberg
Wait & watch MEA stand on Nepal Maoists Indian Express, India
Nepal govt reviews rebels-Opp pact The Statesman, India
Nepal's 'tyrant' king isolated by Maoist deal Telegraph.co.uk, United Kingdom

40 Reasons Why The Three Forces Should Come Around To My Proposed Constitution

Proposed Constitution

It is a synthesis of what the three forces want. The king wants to preserve the monarchy, the parties want multi-party democracy, the Maoists emphasize classlessness. When you mix the three primary colors - blue, gree and red - you get white. My document is white.
Article 5 has two versions, a republican version, and one where the king exists. It is for the three forces to decide which version they want.
Even when the king exists, the army is under the parliament, and all state expenditures on the monarchy are offset through tourist revenue generated by the monarchy. You end up with a monarchy that is revenue neutral without it losing its traditional money from the state.
Even though the monarchy is strictly ceremonial, the king gets to give the most important speech of the year.
Even though it is the king giving that speech, it is written by the popularly elected Prime Minister.
This would be the shortest constitution on the planet and a role model.
This would turn Nepal into the number one democracy on the planet. America would be the oldest, India the largest, and Nepal the number one.
China does not like the American or the Indian version of democracy, but it might come around to this Nepali version.
India might also come under pressure to adopt it in bits and pieces.
India and China as robust democracies would see the dawn of the Asian Century. Nepal would be at the center of it all.
American progressives would want it.
This would become the first constitution to integrate the internet into it. That would make it technologically cutting edge.
The 1990 constitution is dead. The country needs a new constitution.
This document would save a lot of time and money. If the three forces could come around to accepting it, then the country would not even have to go through a constituent assembly. The three forces would instead form an interim government that would hold a referendum to get this constitution accepted by the people. Once it gets accepted, the country instead holds elections to a new parliament. As a second step, the state and local elections could be held.
This constitution would be socially the most progressive on the planet because it is fundamentally scientific. It starts with the basic one person, one vote, one voice postulate, and takes it to its logical conclusion all the way to the top.
It provides for four layers of government.
It solves the social justice issues of the Dalit-Madhesi-Janajati-Mahila without even naming them because the structure is so scientific and sound.
It provides for a federalism that is not divisive at all, and one that makes room for the fact that people from different backgrounds will move all over the country. You end up with Madhesis in Dolpa, Sherpas in Birgunj. It is a citizen's right to move if they want to.
The three states idea is also geographically scientific. You hug the three major river basins.
The total, transparent democracy idea is cutting edge. It does not exist anywhere else on the planet.
It is not true there is not enough internet penetration among the Nepali population to make it worthwhile the internet provisions in the constitution. The media has near total internet access. The transparency through the internet idea is designed for the media as a first step without marginalizing the people who will still have unfiltered, direct access. The MPs do not have to familiarize themselves with the internet. The parliamentary ministry takes care of all the translation work and technology.
This document will take care of corruption like no other constitution on the planet. Corruption will become history, a relic you read about in the history books.
Because this document will turn Nepal into the most vibrant democracy on the planet, second to none, it will make possible for Nepal to have double digit economic growth rates, year in, year out, for 30 years, regardless of which party comes in and out of power.
Once you put in place a sound system like this constitution is, individual actors will have no choice but to perform their very best. And the best among them will naturally float to the top. There will be little or no room for foul play.
People with leadership qualities regardless of what socio-economic bracket they were born into will have the option to rise to the top.
Nepal has been a net importer of political ideas in its entire history, be it Marxism, or democracy, or socialism, or capitalism. Through this constitution it will become a net exporter for the first time. That will be something to be proud of.
The most cutting edge constitution will also be the simplest, also the shortest.
The best cure to chronic poverty is enshrined in this constitution. It is a combination of education, health, micro credit and political empowerment.
Money is totally taken out of politics. Yet there is limitless space for the market to create wealth. The private sector gets free reign.
This constitution guarantees internal democracy in the parties.
In keeping the army to 0.1% of the national population, Nepal will become a role model for all poor countries that spend more on defense than they should.
Nepal will become the model democracy that all countries in the Global South could emulate.
Once there were such a total spread of democracy, the Global South could then organize to take their just place at the global level. Racism could be ended. The UN could be reorganized. Trade talks can be forced to become fair.
Nepalis all over the world could actively participate in the democracy inside Nepal. They could follow all national debates in real time online and contribute to the same. The best Nepali brains worldwide could contribute regardless of where they might be in body.
The three capitals - Udaypur, Chitwan, Surkhet - could emerge the three major urban centers in the country, bathed in wireless broadband, with a lot of space to expand. They could together end up housing half the country in the long run in a healthy way. Those three cities could compete with any city on the planet at all levels. They could become the three Shanghais.
The three language policy is right. And the translation and internet options make it very practical. There are few hassles created.
The tri-lingual education policy is the best that could be designed for a linguistically diverse country like Nepal. It will make sure all languages get a lot of resources poured into them by both the public and the private sectors. But it is also pragmatic. It only applies upto Class 10. Beyond that the market forces decide. You could end up with colleges and universities that are totally English, Hindi or Nepali medium. What language is in vogue changes over time. Chinese could gain major currency in a few short decades. You never know. Through my policy, you preserve what you have for cultural reasons, but you go with the global flow for commerical reasons. You do both.
Because the three states are roughly identical, they provide each other with healthy competition in every way.
Due to a sound federalism, Nepal could for the first time in history end up with an activist foreign policy with a potential global reach. Without federalism the one government in the country is too internally preoccupied.
The constitution does not specify the structure of the district government. It leaves it to the states. In one state you could end up with a district chief getting directly elected. In another could be indirect. And there could be other differences. That will provide for healthy policy competition among the states. You get to experiment and decide what works best.

Fast Developments

If you want to really get a feel for the pulse in Kathmandu, you have to access the Nepali language media. The English language media only gives you the basic facts and the outlines. The Nepali language media goes deeper. It gives you the missing details, the rumor, the gossip. They really fill in the picture.

The Maoist-Democrat agreement is a major development. (Prachanda Statement) And things are moving fast. Positive things could happen.

Deshantar reports that the Maoists are also in touch with Tulsi Giri and Kirti Nidhi Bishta. I commend them for that. The first item on their agenda has been a roundtable conference. So their talking to the democrats and the palace is like taking initiative for a roundtable conference. It is already happening. The same article reports the regime might consider reciprocating the ceasefire a few days before it expires on December 3. That would be a really good move. If the regime were to do such a thing, they will earn some credibility. Heck, if the three forces could come around to a roundtable conference, then we might not even need a mass movement. We could go straight off to the interim government.

Such a move would be brilliant on the part of the two extremes. A roundtable conference initiated by the Maoists and the king's men might be the best antidote to Girija's idiotic House revival stand. Such a confluence might be our best hope. Otherwise Girija has hijacked an entire country. He has paralyzed the entire system.

This is yet another instance of the Maoists taking an initiative that the seven parties will not. They decided they want to talk to Giri. They must hate Giri's guts, ideologically speaking, but they are going to talk to him, because they have business to take care of. That's the spirit. That is why I feel the Maoists are going to do really well in electoral politics. These guys are smart. They are agile. They move. They don't just sit there and watch. They are capable of pragmatism.

Daman Nath Dhungana has said a constituent assembly is the only thing that can save the monarchy. The Nepali Congress is nowhere close to becoming a republican party. And that is their democratic right. Does not bother me none.

Looks like the king's around the world in 21 days tour will cost the country 20 crores. What a waste. He spent 5 crores on his Jakarta trip. He was going to spend 10 crores for the UN trip. From the state budget, an average Nepali gets Rs. 3200. The king gets 35 crores. A crore is 10 million.

Gagan Thapa predictably wants an end to the monarchy. He is articulating the sentiment of the 95% of the college students who voted that way.

And there is this revealing Sushil Koirala interview. He says the Maoists should be brought into the mainstream through the parliament. These guys are nuts. These nutcases want to revive the House, amend the constitution and preserve it. The 1990 constitution is fundamentally flawed, it stinks. That the army is not under the parliament is only a small part of the problem of the 1990 constitution. That document is dead. It is over. Get over it, folks.

What Sushil Koirala is saying is the Congress is willing to go up to the point of a constituent assembly. As in, we are willing, but we might not, if we can prove the exercise unnecessary.

These guys are nuts.

Girija Koirala is not capable of basic political conversation. He can not listen to logic. He listens to violence and autocratic moves. At 2,000 deaths, he was not for a constituent assembly. But after 12,000 deaths, and a coup, he has been paying lip service to the idea. He is still not behind the idea. To him paying lip service to the idea of a constituent assembly is just another way to fulfill his real agenda, which is to revive the House. That is it. What does he want? 20,000 deaths before he will finally drop the 1990 constitution and honestly come around to the idea of a constituent assembly? Is that what it will take? This guy is irresponsible. It is people like him who make political violence possible.

Girija Koirala symbolizes everything that was wrong with the 1990s. And a lot was wrong.

Drishti has this article on the Delhi talks. Moriarty has welcomed the Delhi talks, the article claims. Moriarty had expressed displeasure at the Rolpa talks.

KP Oli talks about his India visit.

Major preparations are being made in Pokhara, Janakpur and Kathmandu. This is the UML encouraged by the good show in Butawal. These UML folks, they are really good at organization. They can get the people out. Grassroots activists in America would envy them. It is not easy to get people to come out.

After the country gets its new constitution, I think you are going to see a majority government of the UML. I see the signs.

Jhala Nath Khanal will be speaking in Janakpur. That is cool. I got to meet him in New York City. "I have been seeing you in the media a long time. Such a pleasure to finally get to meet you," I told him then. (Seven Party Forum In Jackson Heights) (Jhala Nath Khanal, video clip)

The UML plans on going into every home in the Kathmandu valley. That's the spirit. These people mean business.

There is this article about the massive rally in Butwal. I sent Madhav Nepal a congratulatory email. The UML is forging ahead unlike the Nepali Congress. It is because it is not hung up on the 1999 House. That is the key reason. If the Nepali people themselves are not interested in any House revival, why should the parties insist on it, right?

The regime tried its very best to disrupt the Butwal rally, to no avail.

The UML is filling the vacuum created by the insurgency. Some of that could go to the Maoists if they were to make a quick peace possible. Initiating dialogue with Tulsi Giri to make possible a roundtable conference might be a very smart move, if it be true.

Butwal headcount: 100,000 people.

I am so impressed with the UML right now. I think it is simply amazing what they are doing right now. Cheesy stuff.

The parties are also getting rewarded for taking the initiative to talk to the Maoists. Dialogue is paying dividends.

The Nepali Congress is gearing to hold rallies in 10 districts.

Looks like the two big parties are not too interested in taking their five junior partners with them. Either they are confident they can pull it on their own, or they are making a mistake. In 1990 those two forces offered joint programs. This time around they are going their separate ways. I think that shows there really is no common minimum program.

The Nepali Congress is for House revival. The UML is against the idea. That is the reality. There is no agreement.

Just like there is a seven person committee of the seven parties at the center - or is there - there should be one in each district. That would make sure the movement has a quick resolution.

Right now not enough thought is being given to the endgame.

Ram Chandra Poudel suggests Girija Koirala is not working in full capacity due to his age and health. He is an inspiration, but nature is taking its course, he says. We need to change before we can change society, he says. That shows the Congress is no longer in the lead. It is the UML in the lead.

The Maoists and the parties disagreed on two important points, this article claims. This confirms my suspicion from yesterday. Those two points are, House revival, and disarming.

You can not freaking revive a House that does not even exist.

The two forces should engage in a second round of talks.

All three forces should talk to each other non-stop. That is what.

The Maoists are gearing to organize a party convention, the first after 15 years. That is very good news. They are going to further deepen their commitment to the multi-party framework through it. Moriarty should be happy.

I think the UML and the Maoists might emerge among the two largest parties in the country after the country has a new constitution.

Looks like most of the top Maoists are still overwhelmingly Bahun.

Girija thinks Prachanda has tired.

Koirala remains a Monarchist. "Koirala is told to have sensed this conspiracy and hence he while meeting the Maoists leaders tried his best to inject the grave consequences that would come up in the absence of monarchy in the country."

The sky will fall.

A Left Front in the works? Koirala perhaps deserves it.

In The News

Foreigners’ behind the party-Maoist understanding: Dhakal NepalNews
SC stays implementation of NGO code of conduct
Locals surround DAO demanding peace talks
To kill people is wrong: Maoist commander
Local administration bars NC assembly in Morang
SC cannot test King’s action: AG Ojha
Nepal Political Parties, Maoists Agree to Work Toward Democracy Voice of America
Maoist deal isolates Nepal's king The Age (subscription)
Nepal rebel deal presses king to restore democracy Reuters AlertNet
Nepal's opposition parties, rebels unite Science Daily (press release)
Nepal Maoists' commitment to truce remains to be seen: India Outlook (subscription), India
Purely military solution no answer to Nepal's problems: India Webindia123
Israel's technology to modernize farm system of Nepal Xinhua, China
Israeli expertise modernizing Nepal's farming system Israel 21C, CA
Delhi Talks And Trappings Gorkhapatra, Nepal
International brief ~ Nepal Supreme Court suspends NGO law JURIST
Bihar: Naxals capture state within state Central Chronicle, India

Tuesday, November 22, 2005

Revive House, Lay Down Arms, Put Up With Me: Girija

Prachanda Statement
Dinesh Wagle, 7 Leaders, 27 Questions

To the king Girija says, revive the House.

To the Maoists he says, lay down your arms.

To the democrats he says, put up with me.

I don't know what the rejoicing is about the 12 point agreement between the parties and the Maoists. I see it as a document where Prachanda and Baburam slapped the seven parties for their not letting go the House revival stand.

What is Girija's motive? Why does he insist on House revival when it is so obvious it can not be revived? It can not be an all party government, because you do not need a revived House to form an all party government. So why does he insist on House revival?

It is because mentally he just can not let go of the 1990 constitution. That's why. He might have come around to the constituent assembly idea owing to the circumstances, but he still is stuck on the 1990 document. Secretly he hopes if the House is revived, he will somehow manage to save the 1990 constitution. And people see that secret desire. And that leads to an erosion of trust with the players who have to be dealt with to make peace possible.

The House will not be revived. But if it were to be magically revived, what could happen? What options would open up for Girija?

He could command the seven parties to make major amendments to the constitution. He could bring the army under the parliament, for one. And the global powers might go back to the pre 2/1 mood, which was to support the state army in its fight against the Maoist army.

All that will not happen, because the House will not be revived. But the fact that you insist on it sends some very wrong signals to the Maoists. You are telling them you are still not sure about the constituent assembly idea. That is not the signal you want to send.

Girija is not the one to stick to agreements. Here are a few examples.

In the 1990s, after his party lost its majority in the House, he crisscrossed the country to regain it, and promised Krishna Prasad Bhattarai would be Prime Minister, not him. But he ousted Bhattarai not long after the goal was achieved.

During the agitations when Surya Bahadur Thapa was last Prime Minister, the five parties had put forth Madhav Nepal as the consensus choice for Prime Minister. But when it finally came down to crunch time, Girija backstabbed, to the point the agitation got aborted.

This 12 point agreement with the Maoists is only the latest example. As soon as it came out, Girija went public saying it will only come into effect after the Maoists lay down their arms.

Voila! Three examples, the latest from only today.

Girija does not believe in the idea of agreements and contracts. At other times, it would have been between him and the people he dealt with, but these are not those times. The country is at the brink of disaster. Before 2/1 happened, it was widely believed the king could not possibly go that far. But then 2/1 happened. It is very possible for the country to see worse than it has so far. It is very possible. Things could go very, very wrong. Girija is playing with fire.

Girija's outright rejection of the 12 point agreement has to be studied. One, he did it on his own. It is not like he called a meeting of the central committee of the Nepali Congress and the party discussed. Nope. That is not Girija's style.

I am personally very dissatisfied with the document, but a summary rejection of the document is unwise because this is the first time the Maoists have formally accepted a multi-party framework. This is historic. As for the parts that are not satisfactory, that is what future rounds of talks are for. And if you are going to so summarily reject it, why did you enter into it in the first place?

But Girija does not bother himself with those nuances. He summarily rejects the whole thing.

This is a problem. This is a very serious problem.

The immediate, summary rejection also shows Girija acted like he was talking to the Maoists as a pressure tactics upon the king. Will you revive the House or shall I talk to the Maoists? That guy is banging his head against the wall. The seven parties have a legitimate movement option. The seven parties have a legitimate all party government option. The seven parties have a legitimate constituent assembly option. What they do not have is a House revival option. The sooner they come around to it, the better for the country.

You know what the Maoists' slap is? They are saying if you have problems with letting go the 1990 constitution, we also have problems with letting go the goal of a communist republic.

If you first get rid of the king, and then have two standing armies, and take the country to elections to a constituent assembly, that is a sure recipe for disaster, utter chaos. That is absolutely, totally not an option.

This is the Maoists backtracking. They had come to suggest they will disarm under UN supervision to make elections to a constituent assembly possible. And now the Maoists are backtracking. They are responding to Girija. That is their response to Girija's intransigence on the House thingie.

Girija's House revival idea takes the country to Cambodia. This is not a Nepali Congress thing no more. This is a country thing. This is a Nepal thing.

There is a face saving thing. Because Girija's name is so tied to the House revival idea, it is hard for him to suddenly backtrack. So you offer him face saving options. A smart politician could have seen plenty of wiggle room all along. But Girija is certain like a stopped clock. He does not seek wiggle room.

Face saving would be that he lets go the House revival idea to retain the formal leadership of the movement. That is face saving.

I think it is very important for the sake of democracy that the seven parties (1) let go the House revival stand, and (2) declare their government in waiting now. The lack of clarity is really hurting the cause.

And if they are not going to let go the House revival stand, they are going to have to make a public case for it, and then draw a roadmap to it. Why do you so badly want it? How do you hope to get it?

Revising a four point program and turning it into a three point program is easy. If Girija can not do it, he is highly disqualified to lead the all party government. That all party government will have a job much tougher than that of Krishna Prasad Bhattarai's government in 1990. It will have to walk a tight rope. Girija has autocratic tendencies. He is singularly incapable of buidling consensus. For the all party government you need a consensus builder.

I suggest this:

Ganeshman Singh of the movement: Girija Koirala.
Prime Minister in waiting: Madhav Nepal.
Deputy Prime Minister in waiting: Ram Chandra Poudel.

Madhav Nepal has many advantages. One, he leads the largest party in the country. Two, he actually facilitates the meetings of his party's central committee. Three, his age and health are a plus. Four, as a communist himself, he has a better feel for the Maoists. Five, he ditched the House revival idea a long time ago. Six, his party recently organized a huge rally in Butwal.

I do not personally dislike Girija. I respect his decades long struggle on behalf of the country. What I am saying I am saying for the sake of the country and the tough times it is in.

There is only one thing standing between the country and the peace it deserves, and that is Girija's House revival stand.

Let go, Girija.

Roadmap
Newton, Apples, And Girija's House Revival Idea
Teen Sutriya Agenda
Maoist, Moriarty, Madhav, Manmohan: Get Behind The 3 Point Program
House Revival Stance Preventing Progress
Girija's House Revival Fantassy
October 2, 2002
The Foreign Powers Need To Come Clean On The Constituent Assembly Question
Madhav Nepal, Commander Of The Movement
For The First Time In A Decade, Permanent Peace Feels Possible

Prachanda Statement

1. Today, the main desire of most Nepalis is to have democracy, peace, prosperity, social upliftment and an independent and sovereign Nepal. Toward that end, we fully agree that the main obstacle is an autocratic monarchy. Without an end to the autocratic monarchy and establishment of complete democracy we are clear that there will be no peace, progress and prosperity in the country. Therefore, we have reached an agreement that all forces against autocratic monarchy will step up their movement to end the autocratic monarchy and establish complete democracy.

2. The agitating seven political parties are fully committed to the plan to reinstate parliament whose decision will lead to the formation of an all-party government, hold talks with the Maoists and go for an election to a constituent assembly. They identify this as the way to end the present conflict and restore sovereignty to the people. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has made the commitment to organise a national political convention of democratic forces. The meet should decide on the formation of an interim government and hold elections for a constituent assembly to achieve the agreed goal. The seven political parties and the CPN (Maoist) will engage in dialogue and explore a consensus on procedural matters. It has been agreed that People’s power is the only alternative to meet the goals.

3. The country wants a positive solution and a permanent peace. That is why we are committed to these goals and an end to the armed conflict through the end of autocratic monarchy, elections for the constituent assembly and the establishment of absolute democracy. The CPN (Maoist) expresses its commitment to move ahead in a peaceful new political current through this process. There has been an understanding on keeping the Maoists’ armed forces and the Royal Nepali Army under the supervision of the United Nations during the elections of the constituent assembly, conduct elections in free and fair manner, and accept the results of the elections—all these after an end of the autocratic monarchy. We also expect the involvement of reliable international interlocutors in our dialogue process.

4. The CPN (Maoist) makes public its commitment to clearly institutionalise the values of competitive multiparty system, civil and fundamental rights, human rights and the rule of the law.

5. The CPN (Maoist) has made the commitment to let the leaders, activists, and the people who were displaced during the armed conflict to be resettled in their homes. It has also committed that all land, houses and property seized unjustly will be returned. This will create an environment where people will be allowed to freely conduct their political activities.

6. Through self-criticism and self-evaluation of the past mistakes and shortcomings, the CPN (Maoist) is committed not to repeat those mistakes.

7. The seven political parties have realised they made mistakes when they were in parliament and in government and have committed that they will not repeat those mistakes.

8. Human rights and press freedom will be respected while moving the peace process ahead.

9. The talk of municipal elections and parliamentary polls is to trick the people and the international community and to legitimise the illegitimate and autocratic rule of the king. We will boycott these polls in our separate ways and urge the people to make such elections unsuccessful.

10. The people and their representative political parties are the real guards of nationalism. We are fully committed on the self-reliance, sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity. It is our common duty to have friendly relations on the basis of the principle of peaceful co-existence with all the countries of the world, especially with our neighbours India and China. We urge all patriotic people to remain alert about Mandale nationalism that the king and the monarchists are preaching to the people. We also appeal to international powers to support the democratic movement against autocratic monarchy through all possible ways.

11. We urge civil society, professionals, people of all caste, communities and areas, the media, intellectuals and general Nepalis to actively participate in the people’s movement that will be conducted on the basis of our agreement that has democracy, peace, prosperity, progressive social change, freedom, sovereignty and integrity of the country as the cornerstone.

12. Past misbehaviour of the parties will be investigated, and action taken against those found guilty and the findings made public. Any problems arising will be sorted out at the concerned level or through discussion at the leadership level.

Some problems that I see:

(2) The seven parties are still insisting on House revival. The Maoists want to go straight to an interim government.

(3) Putting the state army and the Maoist army under UN supervision and then going to a constituent assembly: that is not an option. The Maoists either have to disarm under UN supervision. Or they have to be partly integrated into the state army. There has to be only one standing army in the country before the country can go into a constituent assembly. This point is a non-starter. This is no agreement.

BBC: "Former prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala said the deal would come into effect once the rebels gave up arms."

Apparently Girija has not been handed a copy of the agreement.

I have seen Maoist statements before where they have said they are willing to disarm before going into a constituent assembly. In this agreement they have backtracked. It is possible they are using that as a bargaining chip. If the seven parties will stick to the unreasonable idea of House revival, they are also going to talk a little unreasonable.

Looks like the overhyped meetings between the Maoists and the parties have not brought forth much that can be said to be new and groundbreaking.

(7) The parties say they are going to engage in self-criticism for the 12 years of half-baked democracy. I look forward to it. What do they think were the mistakes made?

Overall, I don't think this agreement is a major breakthrough. But it is better than nothing. I am glad finally they are talking.

One big missing link: the ceasefire, it has not even been mentioned. It ends on December 3. Will it be extended? The most important topic has not even been mentioned.

Prachanda, Extend The Ceasefire By Three Months

In The News

Parties, Maoists agree to end ‘autocratic monarchy’ to establish 'total democracy' NepalNews
Court issues show cause notice to the government
Alliance leaders discuss future strategies
His Majesty meets South African President
Seven killed in latest clashes
King losing international support: Upadhaya
Nepal's communist rebels, political parties agree to step up ... Hindu, India
Nepal's king faces new alliance BBC News
Nepal rebels say ready to lay down arms Reuters
Parties to join hands with Maoists to abolish monarchy ReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland
Maoists Also Confirm Understanding NewsLine Nepal, Nepal
India's key role in Nepal affairs BBC News, UK

Dinesh Wagle, 7 Leaders, 27 Questions

Movement Taken To Online Video

Please donate money for the effort. Click on the Make A Donation link to your right.

Below is an email I just sent to Dinesh Wagle of the United We Blog fame.

1

November 22, 2005

The exact same questions to the seven party leaders: Girija Koirala, Madhav Nepal, Gopalman Shrestha, Amik Sherchan, Hridayesh Tripathy, Narayan Man Bijukchhe, CP Mainali. Sabai lai ekla eklai sodhne. Ekai tham bhela parera na sodhne. Girija Koirala lai last ma sodhne. ;-) Yati nai 5-10 ghanta hunchha hola. Baroo, can this be done before the end of November? What do you think? I know UWB has a large team of people. If you need volunteers, holler. The best way would be for seven different cameras to go meet each leader on the same day. Is that an option?

Saat party ko chaar sutriya mang lai teen sutriya kina na banaune?

Pratinidhi Sabha punarsthapana ko kura janata lai nai man pari raheko chhaina bhanne kura mannu hunchha? Tyahi mang ka karan le janata sadak ma na utreko kura mannu hunchha?

Nagarik samaj le lokatantric ganatantra ko nara dinda dashaun hajar manchhe sadak ma utrane, Emale le lokatantric ganatantra ko nara dinda dashaun hajar manchhe sadak ma utrane, tara saat party ko Pratinidhi Sabha punarsthapana ko mang ka lagi janata sadak ma na utrane dekhnu bhako chha?

Pratinidhi Sabha bhang Pradhan Mantri Deuba le gareka hun, raja le hoina. Tyo kura mannu hunchha? Sansadiya byabastha ma tyo adhikar Pradhan Mantri lai hunchha, tyo kura mannu hunchha? Tyo bhang bhai sakeko Pratinidhi Sabha lai punarsthapana garne adhikar euta sambaidhanik raja lai hundaina bhanne kura mannu hunchha? Raja le punarsthapana garne adhikar hunu bhaneko Pradhan Mantri ko bhanga garne adhikar khose sarah bhayena ra?

Pratinidhi Sabha punarsthapana ko idea kata bata ayeko ho? Nepali Congress ko kendriya samiti bata ayeko ho ki? Kahan bata ayeko ho? Tyo meeting ko minutes chha?

Ekai choti sarbadaliya sarkar ma jana ke ko etraj? Akhir gantabya ta sambidhan sabha nai ho? Krishna Prasad Bhattarai ko jasto antarim sarkar ko kalpana kina garna sakindaina?

Raja le Article 127 ko prayog garera all party government banaune bhane ma tapain lai etraj hunchha? Kina? Akhir tyo all party government pani sambidhan sabha main gayera tungine ho, hoina ra?

Hoina bhane aroo ke upay chha all party government banaune? Tapain ko roadmap ke chha?

February 1, 2005 samma Nepali Congress ra UML sambidhan sabha ma na aisakeko tathya mannu hunchha?

Teen shakti Maobadi, Loktantrabadi ra Rajabadi ko milan bindu sambidhan sabha matra ho. Mannu hunchha?

Tyo all party government ma saat party bahek RPP, RJP, Mandal Sadbhavana ra raja ko pratinidhi le thaun paune ki na paune? Maobadi le thaun paune ki na paune?

Pratinidhi Sabha yadi jaduyee kisim le punarsthapana hunchha bhane tyo garne kasle? Raja le ki Supreme Court le? Dubai le garna mildaina bhanera bhani sakyo. Yo aandolan Supreme Court lai pressure diyera Pratinidhi Sabha punarsthapana garaune aandolan ho ta? Rule of law kaam na lagera hamee rule of pressure ma jana khojeka ta hoinaun?

Pratinidhi Sabha punarsthapana ko mang saat party le na tyage samma yo aandolan charkine bala chhaina. Tyo kura mannu hunchha?

Pratinidhi Sabha punarsthapana ko idea janata lai man na pareko, raja lai man na pareko, Supreme Court lai man na pareko, saat wata party madhye chha party lai man na pareko, Nepali Congress bhitra pani Girija Koirala lai matra man pareko idea ho bhanne kura mannu hunchha?

Aandolan nai hijack garne yo kasto ghaatak idea?

Aandolan ma manchhe shahid hune kati ko sambhavana dekhnu bha ko chha? 2004 ko Ukraine ko andolan ma ek jana pani shahid bhayenan? Nepal ma pani tyas kisim ko andolan organize garna milchha ki mildaina?

Emale ko chhuttai karyakram kina ai raheko chha? Saat party ko joint karyakram kina ayeko chhaina? Saat party coalition phuti sakeko ho ta?

Saat party ko sarkar banema pradhan mantri ko hunchha? Upa Pradhan Mantri ko hunchha?

Tapain to party bata sarkar ma ko janchha?

February 8 samma ma jasari pani yo sarkar dhali sakna parne pressure feel garnu bhako chha ki chhaina?

Euta aam sabha yahan, arko hapta arko aam sabha tyahan garera raja halline wala chhainan. Tyasari ramita matra hunchha, aandolan hundaina. Ekai choti Kathmandu ma euta nirnayak street demonstration garna parchha, din dinai, ek mahina samma sadak ma kahin ek thaun ma ek lakh wa so bhanda badhi manchhe bhela garna parchha. Ukraine ma jasto. Natra aandolan safal hundaina. Yo kura mannu hunchha?

Maobadi ra rajabadi ko afnai afnai ideology chha. Unee haroo tyas ka adhar ma agadi ayeka hun. Tai pani 12 barsha ka dauran ke kati galtee bhaye bhannu hunchha?

Girija Koirala le bahumat hunda sansad bhanga garne. Manmohan Adhikari ko sansad bhanga garne adhikar Supreme Court le khosi dine. Tyas pachhi ko sansad ma endless horse trading hune. Bhrastachar dherai bhayeko. Desh ma batoghato bane pani, desh ko reen dherai nai badheko. Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati, Mahila le samajik nyaya na payeko. Nepali bahek aroo bhasha phastina na payeko. Hindu dharma ko barchaswa kayam raheko. Gareeb janata le rahat na payeko. Eee sab lai kamee kamjori manna milchha?

Maobadi sanga shanti barta aupacharik roop ma garna UN ko madhyasthata lina parema ke Nepal le India ko anumati lina parchha? Lina parchha bhane kun antarashtriya kanoon ko adhar ma? Yadi lina mildaina bhane Kofi Annan le offer kina gareka hoon? Annan lai antarashtriya kanoon ko gyan na bhako ho ta?

Aba loktantra ko sthapana bhaye pachhi, yadi sansad ma 200 seat hundo ho ta tyas madhye kati seat UML, kati seat NC, kati NC (D), kati Maobadi, kati RPP, RJP, Jana Morcha, Sadbhavana, Sadbhavana (A), ra NMKP le jitchha hola jasto lagchha tapain lai?

Desh le naya sambidhan kahile samma pai saken dekhnu bhako chha? Arko Dashain samma paune sambhavana katti ko chha?

Tapain lai man pareko antarashtriya star ko neta ko ra kina?

In The News: United We Blog

Parties, Maoists Unite For Democracy In Nepal
Sufferings From Nepali Villages
No Religion In Politics
The New Nepali Power Equation: What If?
People Are With Parties: Here Is Proof
"Will RNA Cast Its Lot With People?"
The Enlightening Sojourn
The Great Game Of Cricket
Walking With Women Warriors
Double Delight!
World United To Condemn Code Of Conduct
Return Of The King?
Two Symbolic Events Of The Day
Election Intention
So, Bloomfield Is Here To Stay
Looking For Power In The Rallies
Telling Our Problems To Madam Chair

Monday, November 21, 2005

Movement Taken To Online Video

Talks are underway among groups in Kathmandu and here in the US.

Pyramid Of 10 In Kathmandu
Fundraising Among Nepalis In The US: Pyramid Of 10

The idea is to upload hundreds of hours of video online to Google Video.

Here are some highlights from some of the emails.


Minimum cost plan: Use existing camcorders, even if from non reporters.
Are there a half dozen camcorder owning citizens in Ktm willing to
participate? Have to pay only for disks, batteries and broadband.

But also write down and send other plans. Suggest what options are the most feasible.

http://video.google.com

(1) Dinesh Wagle, Gagan Thapa, COCAP, Samudaya: for Kathmandu
(2) Sanjaya, Anil, Sarahana: fundraising in the US

Ktm people, please prepare a budget.

Three home based broadband locations. Undisclosed. 3-6 camcorders. Have backup plans for if your cameras get seized or destroyed by the police. Plenty of memory disks and batteries. Once a memory disk is full or near full, cameraman takes it out and passes it on to a "porter" who takes it to the undisclosed locations to be uploaded in as real times as possible. Each location to have its own separate Google Video account. All videos to be made available for free. Goal: both quality and quantity, but primarily quantity.

Offer the quantity version where you upload everything. Then prepare daily highlights. The first might be hours. The second might be 15 minutes to 30 minutes per day.

All participating bloggers will link to the videos from their blogs.

So, yes, prepare the budget and pass it on to us at this end asap.

A joint bank account of three key people at that end for money transfer from this end. Transparent book keeping. The key people at both ends will always know how the money is moving.

People in Kathmandu who are participating have the option to keep their names public or not. They decide.

Reason to do this:

(1) We can not wait until the global media finally wakes up to Nepal. We need to do the work so Nepal hits the world headlines sooner rather than later.

(2) 100,000 people on 10 hours of online video will be like a million people and no video. You magnify your influence.

(3) This has to be a movement of zero martyrs. Maximum global exposure ties the hands of the security forces to a large extent. Evil lurks only in the dark.

(4) This is history being made. Those videos will stay online forever. 20 years from now, they will still be there. History has to be recorded for posterity.

But do not forget digital cameras and traditional reporting either.

--- Sarahana wrote:

> I have a friend there in web development business who can help. > Broadband is available, but not wireless. It would have to be > uploaded > the night of the protest or so. > We would just need to fund it.

> > sarahana > www.samudaya.org

> > On Nov 21, 2005, at 12:05 PM, Paramendra Kumar Bhagat wrote:

> > > Video upload plan is brilliant. But yes the problem is with > internet > >> access, > >> especially the high speed.

> > > > > > > > Does it exist though? Or is it too expensive? What if money will > not be > > a problem? If we fund it from this end? We want literally 100 hours > of > > video online, maybe more.

> > > > You guys organize at that end. Make it inclusive. COCAP, and > Samudaya > > have done some work in the past. Write down a plan, put down the > > budget, and present it this way. We will see what can be done.

> > > > Movement garne bhaneko global audience ka lagi ho. The more it is > > exposed less the chance of state repression. And quicker it will > > conclude.

Hello Paramendra ji,

Sorry for this late reply. Bhusukkai birsechhu, reply garu bhanda bhandai.

Video upload plan is brilliant. But yes the problem is with internet access, especially the high speed.

Hope you are doing great. Your arguments at DFN are though provoking.

Njoy!

-- Dinesh Wagle
Reporter/Blogger
Kantipur Daily Newspaper
Kathmandu
UWB

Prachanda, Extend The Ceasefire By Three Months

Prachanda, you made a brilliant military move through your unilateral ceasefire. I can't think of another similar parallel in world history when an armed group holding such a large sway on a country would do such a thing to make such major strategic gains.

You and your party have also made some amazing political transformations. You have shifted from the goal of a communist republic to the goal of a democratic republic, you have shifted from the goal of an armed revolution to the goal of peaceful elections to a constituent assembly, and subsequently to a peaceful transformation of the state.

I believe I have written a Proposed Constitution that synthesizes the best of a multi-party democracy with your Marxist-Leninist-Stalinist-Maoist-Prachanda Path emphasis on classlessness. But I will talk about that later, after an all party government has been formed, peace talks with you have been held, and you have joined the interim government. My document will make it possible to achieve "a peaceful transformation of the state" that Mahara once mentioned.

If the militarists were driven by a longing for peace and a love for the country, they would have responded to your ceasefire in a positive way. But they did not. And I think you have shown remarkable restraint in the aftermath even when provoked by the state security forces. There are reports you have lost anywhere between 30 and 50 of your cadres after the ceasefire declaration. That is wrong on their part, but then they committed that and many other wrongs.

The Obstinate Monarchists
Caution: Alliance Approaching
Irresponsible Response To Ceasefire
Prachanda, Do Not Break The Ceasefire
The King Should Now Move To Step 2
King Cancels UN Visit
To Trust Or Not To Trust The Maoists
The Nepali Rasputins Want A Revolution
RNA, Declare Your Own Ceasefire, You Have No Choice

But then if your entire strategy depended on the king making the just, sensible moves, what kind of republican would you be? You did not declare the ceasefire for the old regime. You did it for us, the democrats. Because of the ceasfire democrats have gained much strength, and democrats are finally getting in a position to hit back at the autocrats.

A Plant Looking At An Animal

February 8 is the deadline. This regime has to fall before that. And it is on schedule to fall.

The recent Maoist-Democrat dialogue is commendable. Some important progress has been made. Peace feels possible for the first time in a decade.

For The First Time In A Decade, Permanent Peace Feels Possible

I am not suggesting you are about to break the ceasefire. But I do not want to be taking any chances, and hence the appeal. Do not, do not break the ceasefire.

Extend your ceasefire by another three months. That will be ample time for the interim government to form.

Roadmap
Pyramid Of 10 In Kathmandu
Fundraising Among Nepalis In The US: Pyramid Of 10
Gameplan

If you do not extend the ceasefire, you mess everything up. This regime can not now stop this impending movement. But an end to the ceasefire could bring it to a halt. Why would you want that?

The goal is within reach. The constituent assembly is within reach. Think of all those thousands of your comrades you have lost over the years. Do it for them. Extend the ceasefire.

In The News

SC continues hearing on constitutionality of RCCC NepalNews
Nepal briefs Deuba about Delhi deliberations
Journalists in Nepal, Pak most harassed in South Asia: Report
I am completely unaware about the `Delhi talks’: US Envoy
Nepal Political Alliance Says Talks With Rebels Are Positive Bloomberg
Nepal Maoists set terms for peace The Statesman
Nepal Maoists set terms for arms control ISN
Delhi Deliberations Cast Rays of Hope NewsLine Nepal
Nepal meets Deuba Kantipur Online
Biggish brother Nepali Times
India introduces ID card system at ‘Chhoti’ transits: Report Nepalnews.com
Press suffering in South Asia, says SAFMA report Daily Times
Nepal NGOs move Supreme Court OneWorld.net, UK
How to save Nepal Samudaya.org, AZ
One soldier killed, six injured in explosions in Nepal Pravda, Russia
Maoists free 73 students in Nepal Hindu, India
Amnesty voices concern over rising Maoist violence in Nepal Hindu, India
No evidence of Govt commitment to democracy : UK envoy Kathmandu Post
Nepal not pleased with king’s promise The Statesman, India

Sunday, November 20, 2005

Senator Patrick Leahy, Democrat, Vermont

It may seem strange that on a day when the Congress is debating the budget resolution I would be asking the Senate to turn its attention for a moment to the remote and tiny nation of Nepal.

I do so because for the past several years a ruthless Maoist insurgency and a corrupt, repressive monarchy have brought that impoverished but breathtakingly beautiful country to the brink of disaster. It is important for the Nepalese people to know that while they may live half a world away, the difficulties they are facing have not gone unnoticed by the United States Congress.

It has been almost nine months since Nepal’s King Gyanendra dismissed the multi-party government, suspended civil liberties, and arrested the Prime Minister along with other opposition political leaders, human rights defenders, pro-democracy student activists, and journalists. The King’s explanation was that democracy had failed to solve the Maoist problem. He said that he would take care of it himself and then restore democracy after three years.

It is true that Nepal’s nascent democracy had not solved the Maoist problem. Neither had the King. In the four and a half years since King Gyanendra assumed the throne and became Commander in Chief of the Nepalese army, the Maoists have grown from a minor irritant to a national menace. While the Maoists use threats and violence to extort money and property, and they abduct children from poor Nepalese villagers, the army often brutalizes those same people for suspicion of supporting the Maoists. Like most armed conflicts, defenseless civilians are caught in the middle.

What the Nepalese people desire most is peace. Despite the King’s autocratic maneuvers on February 1, many would have given him the benefit of the doubt if he had a workable plan to quickly end the conflict. Nine months later it is clear that he does not. One can only wonder why King Gyanendra thought that he could defeat the Maoists by dissolving the government, curtailing civil liberties, and surrounding himself with a clique of elderly advisors from the discredited, feudalistic Panchayat era.

The United States, Great Britain, and India criticized the King’s actions and have urged him to negotiate with Nepal’s political parties to restore democratic government. Unfortunately, although he has released most political prisoners and reinstated some civil liberties, the King has increasingly behaved like a despot who is determined to consolidate his own power.

In the meantime, the Maoists declared a ceasefire. The violence has reportedly decreased, although abductions and extortions have continued apace. Whether the ceasefire is a sinister ploy or a sincere overture for peace may never be known, however, because it is due to expire next month and neither the King nor the army has indicated a willingness to reciprocate.

Against this disheartening backdrop the Congress, on November 10, 2005, approved my amendment to impose new restrictions on military aid for Nepal. On November 14, President Bush signed it into law. I want to briefly review what we did, and why.

The amendment says that before the Nepalese army can receive U.S. aid, the Secretary of State must certify that the Government of Nepal has “restored civil liberties, is protecting human rights, and has demonstrated, through dialogue with Nepal’s political parties, a commitment to a clear timetable to restore multi-party democratic government consistent with the 1990 Nepalese Constitution.”

This builds on an amendment that was adopted last year, which required the Secretary of State to certify that the Nepalese army was providing unimpeded access to places of detention and cooperating with the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC) to resolve security related cases of people in custody. Unfortunately, the Secretary was not able to make the certification. Not only were the NHRC’s members replaced through a process that was contrary to Nepal’s Constitution, the International Committee of the Red Cross suspended its visits to military detention centers because it was denied the free access it requires.

The Nepalese Government objects to any conditions on U.S. aid, arguing that the army needs help to fight the Maoists. The army does need help, but it also needs to respect the law and the rights of the Nepalese people. The Congress took this action only after it could no longer ignore the pattern of arbitrary arrests, disappearances, torture and extrajudicial killings by the army. The army’s abusive conduct, coupled with the King’s repressive actions since February 1, have contributed to a political crisis that threatens not only the future of democracy but the monarchy itself.

Economic aid to support health, agriculture, hydropower, and other programs through nongovernmental organizations is not affected by my amendment. If the situation changes and the Secretary of State certifies that the conditions in U.S. law have been met, military aid can resume. But that alone will not solve the Maoist problem. The Maoists are expert at intimidating the civilian population and carrying out surprise attacks and melting back into the mountains. While they do not have the strength to defeat the army, neither can they be defeated militarily.

The only feasible solution is through a democratic political process that has the broad support of the Nepalese people. Perhaps seeking to placate his critics, the King, without consulting the political opposition parties, announced municipal elections for February 8, 2006. Not surprisingly, the parties say they will not participate in an electoral process dictated by the palace, and when the army and the King’s handpicked representatives have taken control of local affairs and are unlikely to relinquish power.

The U.S. Embassy is skeptical of the Maoists’ intentions and has publicly discouraged the political parties from forging an agreement with the Maoists. This is understandable, since the Maoists have used barbaric tactics that should be universally condemned. But this conflict cannot be won militarily and the King has rejected a political accommodation with the country’s democratic forces. He is imposing new restrictions on the media and civil society, and he has spurned offers by the international community to mediate. Nepal’s younger generation, who see no role for the monarchy in Nepal’s future, are taking to the streets. It may not be long before the army is faced with a fateful choice. Will it continue to side with the palace even if it means turning its weapons on pro-democracy protesters and facing international censure? Or will it cast its lot with the people?

It is a choice that we may also have to make. For the better part of a year, the United States and others friends of Nepal, as well as many brave Nepalese citizens, have tried to nudge the King back toward democracy. It has not worked. With the King increasingly imperious and isolated and the political parties already making overtures to the Maoists, what is to be lost by calling for the Maoists to extend the ceasefire, for the army to reciprocate, for international monitors to verify compliance, and for representatives of all sectors of society who support a democratic, peaceful Nepal to sit down at the negotiating table?

There are no guarantees, but it would test the Maoists’ intentions and it might create an opening for agreement on a democratic process, with the support of international mediation, that can finally begin to address the poverty, corruption, discrimination and other social ills that have fueled the conflict. The people of Nepal, who for generations have suffered far more than their share of hardship and injustice, deserve no less.

Senator Leahy To US Congress On Nepal
Keith Bloomfield
Gagan Thapa Case Taken To The United Nations
2005 Young Republican National Convention (US) Resolution 1 On Nepal
Tom Daschle

Moriarty's Irresponsible Mainstream
The Army Rank And File Need To Be For The People And Democracy

Democracy For Nepal

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