Monday, July 30, 2007

Pahadi Prejudice

Nepal Weekly: Madhesh Bishesh
http://www.kantipuronline.com/Nepal/madheshbishesh.php


This is a great issue of Nepal weekly. This is good journalism. But the comments by some of the Pahadis also highlights how deep-seated the anti-Madhesi prejudice is among the Pahadis of Nepal.

Madhesis are not a rich people. The literacy rate in Solukhumbu is higher than in Dhanusha. Prejudiced Pahadis will tell you, maybe Madhesis are discriminated, but at least they do not have to climb steep hills on a daily basis. Hogwash.

In The News

INTERVIEW WITH JWALA SINGH Kantipur On the one hand, the Home Minister warns of suppression, while on the other Ram Chandra Poudel stages a drama of talks. ...... The Pahade monopolist state has been continuously exploiting the Madhesi people for the last 240 years. While the Rana and Panchayat regimes always suppressed the Madhes, we had to begin an armed struggle after we realized that the current democratic government, too, does not want to give us our rights. Earlier, we had declared a ceasefire as a rebel group. But we were ignored even after declaring a unilateral ceasefire with clear demands. Now, we are already running a separate state. Now even if talks take place, then it will be only for demarcating the borders. ..... Some time back, a meeting was held in Patna (Bihar, India) at our initiative. The campaign to form a broader political front by including the Madhesi Tigers, (Madhesi People's Rights) Forum, Goit (faction of JTMM) and other existing groups is moving ahead positively. ..... My front and I extend moral support to any group fighting for the liberation of Terai. I will also support the ruling Sadbhavana Party-Anandi Devi and Upendra (Yadav) if they come up with good programmes. ..... We have enough soldiers to protect Terai. We have trained our fighters and have kept them in a standby position. We won’t allow the Constituent Assembly elections to take place. If the Pahade government tries to forcefully hold the elections then the consequences will be grave.
Nepal, Prachanda discuss republican front Expressing dissatisfaction over working style of Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala, the leaders of two largest communist parties also agreed to urge Koirala to run the government taking eight parties on board. .... The duo had met yesterday as well to discuss similar issues.
Security rings to be set up around govt offices
Maoist central meet deferred once again the party sources informed the central leaders remain divided on one of the key issues: whether to launch peaceful revolt ahead of the Constituent Assembly elections or not.
Civil servants halt work to protest CDO bashing; govt vows to punish culprits
‘Hidden crisis’ for refugee leaders their leaders - mainly outside the camps - find themselves drawn against each other. .... the seven 'core group' countries announced they would resettle thousands of refugees on humanitarian grounds ..... around 10,000 refugee could be resettled every year if there are willing ones ..... 'blessing' of the Communist Party of Maoist (Nepal) to the cause of repatriation. CP Gajurel, who looks after the CPN (Maoist) foreign department admits pro-repatriation leaders have met the party, seeking help. "Resettlement is being opposed by respected leaders like Tek Nath Rizal ........ some pro-settlement refugees allege that at the heart of this protracted refugee impasse lie political ambitions, even over humanitarian concerns. ....... Bhutanese Refugee Representative Repatriation Committee (BRRRC). ..... Refugee Rights Coordination Committee, accuses BRRRC leaders of provoking unrest in the camps for their own political ends. "They are involved more in shaping their own career-graph than in working for the welfare of Bhutanese refugees," Giri says. ........ Dr Gopal Krishna Siwakoti, president of INHURED International, a human rights organization here agrees. Some of the leaders might not like the prospects of empty camps. "This is their hidden crisis," Dr Siwakoti says. ....... "What galls us all is that no one from the international community speaks of penalizing the Bhutanese government for perpetrating this crisis by evicting its own citizens."
Budgetary autonomy sought for judiciary

Differences in Maoists ahead of crucial meet NepalNews On the eve of the meeting of its central committee, differences on the issue of whether to launch the revolt before or after the Constituent Assembly have erupted within the Maoists, reports Kantipur daily. There appears to be unanimity on the position of 'there is no alternative to rebellion' though. .... the party's future strategies, policies and agenda for the CA elections
Terror of armed groups continues in Terai as govt steps up security
700 Maoist combatants of Shaktikhor camp fall ill

India to assist in building Birgunj-Kathmandu railway track Kantipur
House cannot be dissolved, says NC leader; MPRF dy chairman denies dissolution proposal
Maoist central meet postponed
'Discrimination' in PLA camp irks fighters while Prajwal's room is well furnished and carpeted where there are TV, computer with internet, cupboard and other pieces of furniture, the fighters have been sleeping on wooden cots with blankets or sleeping bags in the makeshift huts.... when Prajwal comes out of the camp, he usually eats meat with beaten rice while others eat samosas. "He (Prajwal) never drinks water we serve; he drinks only bottled mineral water." "The commune system, which the commanders and other leaders used to advocate during the insurgency, is gradually fading away," rues another Maoist fighter.
No progress in Govt-MPRF talks the MPRF’s stance that the government must first implement the agreements reached during the first round of talks held in Janakpur on June 1. ...... declaring those killed during the Terai movement martyrs and compensation for their families and compensation for those injured during the movement and further treatment at well-equipped hospitals. ..... government had also agreed to withdraw all cases against innocent MPRF leaders and cadres. They have also agreed to seek UN assistance if deemed necessary to facilitate the talks process.
Without eight-party unity no CA polls, says Prachanda Prachanda has claimed that the Constituent Assembly elections will not be feasible even by November 22 if the ruling eight-party alliance competed for the polls. ..... eight-party unity is also required to make the ongoing talks with the agitating groups more effective besides creating an environment for the elections. ..... the Maoists take the government’s ongoing effort to hold talks with groups involved in violent activities in Terai in a positive light. .....the next cabinet meeting should only be held once the eight-party meeting forges a common stance on the pressing political issues.
Rayamajhi Commission report to be out within a week
Maoists won’t quit govt, says Prachanda
NSU leader abducted, the student union warns of protest
Govt for tackling terai issues together Based on the conclusion that the demands of all the Madhesi groups are of a similar nature, the government is going to address them collectively after holding talks with all of them ..... "The main demand of the terai is a proportional share for the region in all state mechanisms within a federal structure," the minister said. "The government has already conceded to the demand."
अन्तरिम संसद् विघटन माग
संविधानसभा निर्वाचन तयारी पूरा निर्वाचन कार्यालय प्रमुख प्रेमप्रसाद लुइँटेलका अनुसार संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा सुनसरीका ४ लाख ७७ हजार ९ सय ७३ मतदाताले मतदान गर्न पाउनेछन् । .... जापानबट प्राप्त अर्ध पारदर्शी प्लास्टिक मतपेटिका
मधेस आन्दोलन 'कांग्रेसका पीडितले आठ/दस लाख पाउने, सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वमा परेका गरिब निमुखाले एक/दुई लाख पनि नपाउने कस्तो नियम हो ?' उनले भने- 'उहाँहरू -कांग्रेस) ले कुरै नसुनेजस्तो गर्नुहुन्छ ।'
'कांग्रेस एकता अन्तिम चरणमा'
विखण्डनप्रति सतर्कता विगतमा क्रान्तिकारी माओवादीबाट छुट्टएिर, वर्तमानमा तराईको कानुन र आदेश आफ्नो हातमा लिएर बसेको जनतान्त्रिक मुक्ति मोर्चाले स्वतन्त्र तराईको जन्म भइसकेको र 'गणतन्त्र तराई राज्य' स्थापना भएको घोषणा सञ्चारमाध्यमबाट गरेको छ । सीमा पनि भौगोलिक दृष्टिकोणले आफैं स्पष्ट रूपमा छुट्टइिसकेको जिकिर गर्दै सीमा छुट्टएिको वार्तामात्र हुन बाँकी रहेको तर्क गरिएको छ । ...... तराईमा रहेका नेपाल सरकारका पहाडे कर्मचारी आफ्नो स्थानबाट भौतिक रूपमा पलायन हुँदै गएका छन् । तराई भ्रमणमा गएका मन्त्रीहरूले भिन्न राज्यबाट अवलोकनमा आएका मन्त्रीजस्तै सुरक्षा 'एस्कर्टिङ' को घेराभित्र रही आफ्नो दौडाहा पूरा गरे । तराईमा दण्डहीन अराजकता र त्रासदीपूर्ण वातावरण बढ्दै गएको छ । नेपाल राष्ट्रको उपस्थिति क्रमशः घट्दै गइरहेको छ । सर्वसाधारण पहाडे आफ्ना कामविशेषले तराईतर्फ झर्दा मुक्ति मोर्चाबाट प्रवेशाज्ञा लिनुपर्ने अवस्था आएको छ । विनाआज्ञा छिर्ने पहाडे अनुहारको जिउज्यानको खतरा बढ्दो छ । नेपाल सरकारले यस्ता व्यक्तिको शान्तिसुरक्षा र अधिकार प्रत्याभूत गर्न सकिरहेको देखिँदैन । यस्तो अवस्थामा तराई साँच्चै अर्को फुच्चे मुलुक हो कि भन्ने भान सर्वसाधारणलाई पर्न थालेको छ । ....... ऐतिहासिक कालमा नेपाल केही समयावधिसम्म तराईविहीन अवस्थामा थियो भने १ सय ९० वर्षपछि फेरि तराईविहीन नेपाल बन्ने तालसुर देखिँदै छ । ....... जनतान्त्रिक तराई मुक्ति मोर्चाले भन्दै आएको छ- 'तराई स्वतन्त्र राज्य भइसकेको छ । नेपालभित्र दुईवटा राष्ट्र भइसकेका छन् । एउटा पहाडेहरूको र अर्को मधेसीहरूको । सीमा पनि भौगोलिक दृष्टिकोणले आफंै स्पष्ट रूपमा छुट्टइिसकेको छ । हाम्रो सीमा मिच्ने कोसिस भयो भने तराईको नियम-कानुनबमोजिम कारबाही हुन्छ । १ करोड ५० लाख तराईका मूल निवासी छौं । पहाडे हाम्रो विरोधी होइन, हाम्रो मित्र भएर बस्नुपर्छ । भारतका नागरिकसँग हाम्रो बेटीरोटीको सम्बन्धमा छ । भारत सरकारको सहयोगबिनै हामी तराई स्वतन्त्र बनाउन सक्छौं । स्वतन्त्र गणतन्त्र तराईमा संविधानसभा चुनाव गराउन पाउँदैनन्, सक्दैनन् । ....... तराईमा जनतान्त्रिक तराई मुक्ति मोर्चा -ज्वाला सिंह, गोइत समूह, विस्फोट सिंह) बाहेक मधेसी मुक्ति टाइगर, मधेसी तुफान, नेपाल डिफेन्स आर्मी, मधेसी कोब्रा, मधेसी भाइरस किलर, मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम, चुरेभावर प्रदेश एकता समाज, नेपाल चेपाङ संघलगायत १४ वटा समूहले आन्दोलन गरिरहेका छन् । ....... चिनियाँ राजदूतले हालै नेपाल साप्ताहिकसँगको कुराकानीमा भन्नुभएको छ- 'नेपालको सार्वभौमिकतामा कुनै आँच आउँछ भने जुनसुकै हालतमा पनि सहयोग गर्न चीन तत्पर छ ।' अर्कोतर्फ देशको भूभागै टुक्र्याउन खोज्ने पार्टीसँग सरकारले वार्ता गर्ने होइन, आतंककारी घोषित गरी सशक्त कारबाही गर्नुपर्छ भन्ने धारणा माओवादी नेता सीपी गजुरेलले प्रकट गर्नुभएको छ । ....... वर्तमान नेपाल सरकार सञ्चालन गर्ने निकाय चनाखो भई तराईको जायज माग समावेशी सिद्धान्तका आधारमा छिटोभन्दा छिटो पूर्ति गर्दै जानुपर्छ । नेपाल विखण्डन हुनबाट जोगाउनुपर्छ ।
तनावतिरै तराई सर्लाहीका अधिकांश सरकारी कार्यालयमा प्रमुख छैनन् । भएका पनि सरकारी सुरक्षामा ढुक्क हुन नसक्दा अवैध हतियार किनेर दुई-चार जनाको डप\mफासहित रात गुजार्न बाध्य छन् । जिल्ला अदालतका तीनै जना न्यायाधीश र दुवै सरकारी वकिलको पत्तो छैन । गाविस सचिवहरू त दिउँसोसमेत कार्यालय जान सकेका छैनन् । किनभने, 'एसएमएस' र फोनमार्फत चन्दा र धम्की निरन्तर आइरहन्छ । .... ज्वाला सिंहको नेतृत्वमा रहेको जनतान्त्रिक तराई मुक्ति मोर्चाले मधेस छाड्न उर्दी दिएपछि पहाडे कर्मचारी धमाधम जिल्ला छाड्दैछन् । .... सप्तरीको हालत पनि उस्तै छ । .... "ज्यानै नरहे केको जागिर ?" .... सशस्त्र द्वन्द्वकालीन माओवादीको सिको गर्दै मधेसमा अहिले गाविस सचिवहरूलाई पहिलो निसाना बनाइएको छ । गाविसमा आउने १० लाख रुपियाँको सरकारी अनुदानका कारण उनीहरू तारो बनेका हुन् । ...... "को कतिखेर कहाँबाट अपहरण हुने भन्ने ठेगान छैन" ...... पहाडी मात्र होइन, मधेसी मूलका सचिवहरूसमेत सुरक्षालगायतका माग राखी सङ्घर्षमा उत्रेका छन् । ..... गत चैतमा गोइत समूहले सप्तरीका जिशिअ निभराज जोशीको अपहरण र गत वैशाखमा ज्वाला समूहले उदयपुर प्राविधिक कार्यालयका इन्जिनियर नवराज विष्टको हत्या गरेपछि कर्मचारीतन्त्रमा त्रास फैलिएको हो । ...... गृहमन्त्री सिटौलाले मधेसी समूहहरूलाई १५ दिने 'अल्टिमेटम' दिएपछि त्यसलाई जवाफ दिने ढङ्गले हिंस्रक गतिविधि झन् बढेको थियो । चिकित्सक, कर्मचारी, शिक्षक, गाविस सचिव, जनसाधारणलगायत जसलाई भेट्यो, त्यसलाई अपहरण गर्ने र मोटो रकम फिरौती लिएर छाड्ने धन्दामा सबैजसो विद्रोही समूहहरू लागिपरेका छन् । ...... गत चैतमा राजविराजस्थित आफ्नै निवासबाट लगिएका सिराहा अस्पतालका प्रमुख डा मुरलीप्रसाद सिंह ११ दिनपछि १८ लाख रुपियाँ फिरौती बुझाएर मुक्त भएका थिए । ...... फिरौती नदिने वा दिन नसक्नेहरूको हत्यासमेत हुने गरेको छ । कतिपय घटना त कसले गरेको हो, त्यो पनि थाहा हुँदैन । जस्तो, सप्तरी, बानरझुलाका गुणानन्द यादव, सहदेव तेलीलगायत एक दर्जनभन्दा बढीको हत्याको जिम्मेवारी हालसम्म कुनै समूहले लिएका छैनन् । ........ १५/२० जनाको जत्थाले जे गरे पनि हुने अवस्था छ । आपराधिक समूहहरूले पनि राजनीतिक सङ्गठनको नाम राखेर हत्या र अपहरण गररिहेका छन् । ....... वीरगन्जमा त भारतीय अपराधी समूहहरू नै सक्रिय देखिएका छन् । जिल्ला प्रहरी कार्यालय, पर्साका अनुसार, विगत छ महिनाको अवधिमा विभिन्न समूहबाट आठ जनाको हत्या भएको छ भने १७ जना अपहरणमा परेका छन् । वीरगन्जमा व्यापारीहरूब्ााट मोटो चन्दा माग गर्ने, नदिए ज्यान लिनेसम्मका घटना सामान्य बनेको छ । ....... सप्तरीमा गोइत, ज्वाला र मधेसी टाइगर्स समूहले ११ जनाको हत्या र ८६ जनाको अपहरण गरसिकेका छन् ...... अपहरण गरेर फिरौती उठाउने प्रवृत्ति बढेपछि गोलबजार उद्योग व्यापार सङ्घले जनअधिकार फोरमका कार्यकर्ता एवम् व्यापारी शत्रुधन महतोको अध्यक्षतामा व्यापारी संरक्षण समिति बनाएको छ । ...... गोइतको सक्रियता मुख्यतः सप्तरी जिल्लामा रहेको छ भने ज्वालाको सिराहामा ..... २२ वर्षे विनोद यादव -विस्फोट सिंह .... विरोधीहरू हाल उनीसित १५ देखि २० जना मात्र भएको दाबी गर्छन् .... धेरैको ध्याउन्न पत्रपत्रिका र एफएम रेडियोमार्फत आफ्नो समूहको नाम प्रचारमा ल्याउनु र धम्की, अपहरणमार्फत रकम असुल्नु रहेको छ । अधिकांशको आधारक्षेत्र सप्तरी र सिराहा जिल्ला बन्न पुगेको छ । ...... सद्भावना पार्टी आनन्दीदेवीका केन्द्रीय सदस्य महेश यादव । "यस्ता सङ्गठनहरूका गतिविधिबाट अन्ततः तराईवासी नै पीडित हुने गरेका छन ..... यस्ता सङ्गठनले दैनिकजसो आह्वान गर्ने बन्दले तराईका व्यापारीहरूको सर्वस्व नै हुन लागेको उनी बताउँछन् । .... तीनवटा 'अस्  त्र' हुने गर्छन्- मोबाइल, मोटरसाइकल र माउजर -रभिल्भर) ..... एक प्रहरी अधिकारीको भनाइलाई मान्ने हो भने नम्बर प्लेटको ठाउँमा 'अन टेस्ट' लेखिएका र ब्लुबुकबिनाका मोटरसाइकल मात्रै नियन्त्रणमा लिने हो भने पनि तराईमा आधा अपराध घट्छ । ....... सरकारले तराईलाई स्वतन्त्र गरििदनुपर्छ अनि वार्ताको कुरै गर्नुपर्दैन । ..... बन्दुकले जित्न सकिँदैन भन्ने मैले बुझेको छु । तर, माग पूरा गराउन बन्दुक सहायक अवश्य हुन्छ । ..... माओवादीले जनयुद्ध घरेलु हतियारबाट सुरु गरेको थियो । हामीले सुरुदेखि नै आधुनिक हतियारबाट सुरु गरेका छौँ । तर, मैले अघि नै भनिसकेँ- बन्दुकले जित्न सकिँदैन, त्यो सहायक मात्र हो । हामीसँग विचार छ, त्यही नै ठूलो शक्ति हो । ....... तराईवासी मधेसीको मूल समस्या माओवादीले बुझ्नै चाहँदैन ...... पहिलो, संविधानसभा निर्वाचनअघि राष्ट्रिय सहमतिका आधारमा संविधानका आधारभूत सिद्धान्त तय गरनिुपर्छ । त्यसमा सङ्घीय प्रणालीको स्वरूप वा स्वायत्त प्रदेशहरूको नीतिगत अधिकार निर्धारण गरनिुपर्छ । दोस्रो, निर्वाचनको घोषणालगत्तै अन्तरमि संसद् विघटन हुनुपर्छ । तेस्रो, मिश्रति निर्वाचन प्रणालीले मधेसी, जनजाति र दलितको प्रतिनिधित्व नगर्ने भएकाले समानुपातिक प्रणालीमा जानुपर्छ । चौथो, गणतन्त्रको मुद्दा हो । ........ अहिले नै नीतिगत निर्धारण हुनुपर्छ । कति सङ्ख्यामा र कस्तो प्रदेश बनाउने भन्ने कुरामा चाहिँ छलफल गर्दै जानुपर्छ । ...... तत्काल गठबन्धनको सम्भावना देखिँदैन । तर, जनआन्दोलनको पक्षमा आउने, नेपालको अखण्डता र सार्वभौमसत्तालाई स्वीकार गर्ने, हिंसालाई छाड्ने हो भने अरू समूहसँग गठबन्धन गर्न नसकिने होइन । .... राणाकाल र पञ्चायतमा त मधेसमाथि दमन भयो नै, अहिलेको लोकतान्त्रिक सरकारसमेत अधिकार दिने अवस्थामा नभएपछि हामीले सशस्त्र सङ्घर्ष थालेका हाँै । यसअघि हामीले विद्रोहीका हिसाबले युद्धविराम गरेकै हौँ । मागसहित युद्धविराम गर्दा पनि हाम्रो घोर उपेक्षा भयो । अहिले त हामी राज्यसत्ता सञ्चालक भइसक्यौँ । अब वार्ता भयो भने पनि सीमा छुट्याउन मात्रै हुन्छ । ....... हामीले राज्यको आयस्रोतको ८५ प्रतिशत -नेपाल सरकारलाई) बुझाउँदै आएका छौँ । यातायात व्यवस्था तराईमै छ । भूगोल र जनसङ्ख्यामा पनि हामी अगाडि छौँ । पहाडे एकल राज्यसत्ता र पहाडे आतङ्ककारीसँग हामीले वार्ता गर्नु जरुरी छैन । अब त उनीहरूले हामीसँग वार्ता गर्नुपर्छ । ...... हामी भारतमा बस्दैनाँै । अहिले जुन मोबाइलमा तपाईं कुरा गर्दै हुनुहुन्छ, यो भारतीय नम्बर भए पनि म पहाडेहरूको प्रशासनलाई झुक्याउन एन्टेना जोडेर नेपालभित्रै रहेर तपाइर्ंसँग कुरा गर्दैछु । भारतसँग मेरो कुनै लेनादेना छैन । ...... भारतको कुनै नेता, प्रशासन, राज्यसत्ता कसैसित त्यस्तो सम्बन्ध छैन । ..... केही समयअघि हाम्रै पहलमा पटना बैठक भयो । मधेसी टाइगर्स, फोरम, गोइतजी एवम् अस्ितत्वमा रहेका अन्य समूहको बृहत् राजनीतिक मोर्चा बनाउने अभियान सकारात्मक दिशामा अगाडि बढेको छ । ..... तराई मुक्तिका लागि लड्ने जुनसुकै समूहलाई म र मेरो मोर्चाको नैतिक समर्थन छ । राम्रो कार्यक्रम ल्याए सरकारमा रहेको सद् भावना आनन्दीदेवी या उपेन्द्रजी, गोइतजीको पनि समर्थन गर्छु । ....... पहाडे सरकारले जबरजस्ती संविधानसभा निर्वाचन गराउन खोज्यो भने परण्िााम नराम्रो हुन्छ । त्यसको जिम्मेवारी पहाडे सत्ताका नाइकेहरूले लिनुपर्छ ।
विखण्डनलाई भारतीय मलजल ः रामरिझन यादव गत माघ महिनाको विद्रोह पनि अखण्डताकै प्रतीक थियो, जसले आफ्नो जायज मागको सम्बोधन तथा आश्वासन पाउनासाथ विराम लिन ढिलो गरेन । तर, सम्बोधन गरएिका तमाम मागहरू अक्षरशः पालना हुन नसक्नुले विखण्डनवादी तत्त्वहरूलाई बल पुर्‍याएको कुरा अब लुकेको छैन । ..... बारामा मधेसी स्पेसल फोर्स .... टाइगर्सका नेता शेरसिंह राजपुत -धनुषा, इच्छापुर औरहाका राधेश्याम सिंह) द्वारा प्रेषित वक्तव्यहरूमा त्यस्तो कुनै माग छैन, जसलाई शान्तिपूर्ण तरकिाले उठाउन नसकियोस् । ..... तराई कोब्रा, तराई बागी, नेपाल डिफेन्स आर्मी, जनवादी गणतान्त्रिक तराई मुक्ति मोर्चा, नेपाल जनतान्त्रिक पार्टी, सुदूरपश्चिम क्रान्ति दल, राष्ट्रिय आर्मी नेपाल, अजिङ्गर एक्स, उल्का समूह, परविर्तन नेपाल, मधेस भाइरस किलर्स, मधेसी स्पेसल फोर्स, नेपाल गोरखा आर्मी, जनतान्त्रिक तराई मुक्ति मोर्चा -विस्फोट सिंह) जस्ता डेढ दर्जन अनेक नामधारी सङ्गठनहरूको जन्म/चर्चा तराईमा भएको देखिन्छ ..... दिनहुँ बन्द, हडताल, चक्काजाम, लुट, अपहरण, फिरौती तथा हत्या र हिंसा यस भेगको दिनचर्या भइसकेको छ । ..... मधेस विद्रोहसँगै चुरे भावर एकता समाज त जन्मियो तर त्यसले राजनीतिक पार्टीका रूपमा आफूलाई निर्वाचन आयोगमा दर्ता नगरेपछि उसको गठन किन गराइएको हो भन्ने कुरा बुझ्न गाह्रो भएन । .... हिन्दू र हिन्दूत्व ... तराई कोब्रा, नेपाल डिफेन्स आर्मी, धर्मवीर सेना, नेपाल जनतान्त्रिक पार्टी, परविर्तन नेपाल ..... नेपाल डिफेन्स आर्मीका प्रमुख सञ्जयनाथ बाबा भारतको रक्सौलको एक मन्दिरमा बस्छन् र भारतीय हिन्दू अतिवादीहरूको सहयोगमा पुनः नेपाललाई हिन्दू राष्ट्र बनाउने सपना देख्छन्
क्षेत्रीय राजनीतिको बाटो मधेसमा अब क्षेत्रीय दलहरू देखापर्ने सम्भावना .... पौडेलको जनकपुर, गृहमन्त्री सिटौलाको विराटनगर र शिक्षामन्त्री प्रदीप नेपालको वीरगन्ज दौडाहा ..... पौडेलले महोत्तरी र सर्लाही तथा सिटौलाले सप्तरी र सिराहाको भ्रमण ... शान्तिपूर्ण राजनीति गररिहेको मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम ...... माओवादीले प्रहरी चौकी खाली गराएर राज्यविहीनताको स्िथति सिर्जना गरेजस्तै यिनीहरूले चाहिँ सरकारी कार्यालय खाली गराउँदै जाने नीति लिएका छन् । उनीहरूको अभियानलाई मधेसका अन्य राजनीतिक दल तथा समूहहरूले प्रत्यक्ष्ा सहयोग नगरे पनि मधेसी नेताहरूबीच अघोषित ध्रुवीकरणचाहिँ सुरु भएको देखिन्छ । ..... शान्तिपूर्ण राजनीति गररिहेका मधेसी समुदायका नेताहरू र हिंसात्मक राजनीतिमा लागेका नेताहरूबीच कुराकानी भइरहेकै छ । नेपाल सद्भावना पार्टी आनन्दीदेवीका सांसद हृदयेश त्रिपाठी मधेसमा सशस्त्र सङ्घर्ष गररिहेका समूहका नेताहरूसँग आफूहरूको कुराकानी हुने गरेको स्वीकार गर्छन् । सद्भावना पार्टीको एकता प्रक्रियामा असहमति राखेर साधारण सदस्य मात्रै रहेका त्रिपाठीसहित काङ्ग्रेस र एमालेका कतिपय मधेसी मूलका सांसदहरू यतिखेर मधेसमा छुट्टै राजनीतिक शक्तिको खोजीमा छन् । विशेष गरी नेपाली काङ्ग्रेस प्रजातान्त्रिकका विजयकुमार गच्छदार, फोरमबाट अलग्गिएका जयप्रकाशप्रसाद गुप्ता र सद्भावना आनन्दीदेवीबाट असन्तुष्ट त्रिपाठीले यस अभियानको अगुवाइ गररिहेका छन् । त्रिपाठी भन्छन्, "सशक्त क्षेत्रीय दलका निम्ति पाँच-छपटक बैठकहरू पनि भइसकेका छन् ।" ........ मधेसबाट प्रतिनिधित्व गर्ने काङ्ग्रेस, एमाले, काङ्ग्रेस प्रजातान्त्रिक, सद्भावना आनन्दीदेवीका २६ सांसदले एक महिनासम्म 'रोस्ट्रम' घेराउ गरी सरकारलाई दबाब दिएका थिए । अहिले त्यो समूह मधेसको वैकल्पिक क्षेत्रीय शक्ति बनाउने कोसिसमा छ । "२६ जना एकत्रित हुँदा मधेसमा आशा जगायो, साथै मधेसका नेताहरू एकै ठाउँ आउनुपर्छ भन्ने सन्देश पनि दियो," सांसद त्रिपाठी भन्छन् । ....... सङ्घीय अवधारणामा मुलुक अगाडि बढेपछि सङ्घीय-क्षेत्रीय राजनीतिक दल उदय हुनु उनी स्वाभाविक मान्छन् । ...... एमालेका सांसद महेन्द्र राय यादव ..... त्रिपाठी .. साधारण सदस्य मात्रै रहने गरी पार्टी केन्द्रीय समितिबाट राजीनामा दिएका थिए ..... भरतविमल यादव पनि ..... एमालेनिकट लोकतान्त्रिक मधेसी सङ्गठनका महासचिवसमेत रहेका जितेन्द्र देव पनि मधेसको सवाल सामुदायिक भएकाले साझा मुद्दालाई पहिचान गर्न काङ्ग्रेस र कम्युनिस्टका नेताहरू एक ठाउँमा आउनसक्ने कुरालाई स्वाभाविक रूपमा लिन्छन् । राजनीति सम्भावनाहरूको खेल भएको बताउँदै देव भन्छन्, "क्षेत्रीय राजनीति गर्ने पार्टीहरू आउन पनि सक्छन् ।" ....... राजनीतिक दलहरूमा पनि मधेस केन्दि्रत सङ्गठन निर्माणको प्रतिस्पर्धा नै चलेको छ । जस्तो एमालेले रघुवीर महासेठको अध्यक्षतामा जितेन्द्र देव महासचिव रहेको मधेसी लोकतान्त्रिक सङ्गठन गठन गरेको ....... जनमोर्चा नेपालले पनि रामरभिmन यादव संयोजक रहेको क्रान्तिकारी मधेसी मोर्चा गठन गरेको छ । माओवादीले पहिल्यै मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चा बनाएको थियो । राजनीतिक दलहरूले मधेससँग सम्बन्धित संस्थाहरू गठन गरे पनि त्यस क्षेत्रमा उनीहरूको गतिविधिचाहिँ घटेको छ । यसले गर्दा मूलधारका शक्तिहरू कमजोर मात्रै बनेका छैनन्, मधेसको मुद्दा उठाउने क्षेत्रीय शक्तिहरूको उदय हुन थालेको छ । ........ मधेसमा भोजपुरी, मैथिली, अवधिजस्ता मातृभाषालाई सरकारी कामकाजमा प्रयोग गर्नुपर्ने माग उठ्दै आएको छ ....... सङ्घीय शासन, समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व, भाषा र संस्कृतिको मान्यता ..... संविधानसभालाई समावेशी बनाउन समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली, निष्पक्ष्ा जनगणना, निर्वाचन क्षेत्र निर्धारणसँग जोडिएका सवाल ...... त्यतिखेर राज्यले आन्दोलनरत पक्षलाई वार्तामा बोलाएर समस्याको समाधान खोज्नभन्दा पनि सुरुमा प्रधानमन्त्रीको सम्बोधन र त्यसै अनुरूप संविधान संशोधन गरेर मधेसका मागलाई सम्बोधन गर्ने प्रयास भयो । सरकारको यस कार्यलाई मधेसी समुदायका नेताहरू 'आठ दलको जस लिने होडबाजी' को संज्ञा दिन्छन् । वार्तामार्फत सम्बोधन नगरएिकाले मधेसी समुदायमा स्वाभिमानको पाटो हावी हुँदै गएको सद्भावनाका त्रिपाठी बताउँछन् । ....... "अबचाहिँ गोलमेच सम्मेलन जरुरी छ," त्रिपाठीको भनाइ छ, "मधेसलाई नगदमा चाहिएको छ, दलहरू उधारोमा दिन खोजिरहेका छन् ।" ..... "अन्तरमि संविधानमा दुईपटकको संशोधनसँगै गरएिको घोषणासमेत कार्यान्वयन भएका छैनन्" ..... पोसाकनिरपेक्ष नीति ..... "मधेसका सबै मुद्दा गोलमेच सम्मेलनमार्फत निरूपण गर्न सकिन्छ," सांसद त्रिपाठी भन्छन ...... तीन धार ..... सद्भावना आनन्दीदेवी, मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम र मूलधारका राजनीतिक दलका केही नेताहर ...... मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चा, लोकतान्त्रिक मधेसी सङ्गठन, क्रान्तिकारी मधेसी मुक्ति मोर्चाजस्ता राजनीतिक दलनिकट मधेसी संस्थाहरू ...... हिंसात्मक राजनीति गररिहेका सशस्त्र समूहहरू ...... मधेसी राजनीतिका यी तीनै धारमा नेतृत्वको सङ्कट रहेको प्रस्टै देखिएको छ । सांसद त्रिपाठी पनि मधेसी राजनीतिमा नेतृत्वको सङ्कट रहेको स्वीकार गर्छन् । ..... फोरम र माओवादीका एजेन्डामा खासै फरक छैन । तैपनि, मधेस विद्रोहले माओवादीलाई कमजोर तुल्याइदियो ...... ०४२ सालमा उनका मानिसहरूले काठमाडौँका विभिन्न भागमा बम विस्फोट गराएका थिए । उनको पार्टीमा रहेको आरोपमा हेमनारायण यादवलगायत मधेसका केही नेता ०४२ सालमा सिराहामा पक्राउ परेका थिए । यादव पछि सद्भावना पार्टी हँुदै एमालेमा प्रवेश गरी सोही पार्टीबाट सिराहा क्षेत्र नं ४ को सांसद भए । मधेसको सवालमा डटेर बोल्ने स्वभावका यादव सङ्कटकालका बेला षड्यन्त्रमूलक ढङ्गले सेनाबाट मारएि । ...... २० वर्षअघिसम्म राजविराजमा पत्रिका पसल चलाउने गोइत ...... ०५४ सालमा पार्टीले जिल्ला विकास समितिको सभापतिको टिकट नदिई उनीसँगै जिल्ला कमिटीमा उपसचिव रहेका पहाडी मूलका दिवाकर देवकोटालाई त्यो अवसर दियो । त्यसबाट दुःखित भई गोइतले पार्टीभित्र विद्रोह गरे । स्थानीय निकायमा एमालेको बहुमत हुँदाहुँदै देवकोटा निर्वाचनमा हारेपछि गोइत कारबाहीमा परे । .... सप्तरीमा माओवादीको सङ्गठन गररिहेका मातृका यादवको अनुरोधमा गोइत माओवादीमा प्रवेश गरेका थिए । ...... गोइत एकीकृत तराईको पक्षमा उभिए भने माओवादी नेतृत्वले तराईलाई मधेस र थारूवान् क्षेत्र गरी दुई भागमा विभाजन गर्न चाह्यो । त्यही कारण ०६० सालमा गोइतलाई हटाई मातृका यादवलाई उक्त मोर्चाको अध्यक्ष बनाइयो । त्यसबाट असन्तुष्ट भएका गोइतलाई पार्टीको सप्तरी जिल्ला इन्चार्ज बनाएर फकाउने प्रयास गरयिो । तर, उनी फकिएनन् । असन्तुष्ट पक्षलाई भित्रभित्रै सङ्गठित गरी ०६१ साउन १० गते जनतान्त्रिक तराई मुक्ति मोर्चा गठन गरे । र, 'दुर्गानन्द झा प्लाटुन' का नाममा लडाकूहरू सङ्गठित गरी हिंसात्मक गतिविधि थाल ....... ४२ वषर्ीय पासवान सिराहा नगरपालिका-७ का बासिन्दा हुन् । उनले ०४५ देखि ०५६ सालसम्म लेखापढी व्यवसाय गरेका थिए । ०५७ सालसम्म माओवादी मुखपत्र जनादेश को संवाददाता रहेका पासवानले सिराहामा निलेश छापाखाना चलाउँथे । र, जनसन्देश साप्ताहिकको प्रकाशन/सम्पादन पनि गर्थे । ०५३ देखि ०५८ सालसम्म उनी नेपाल पत्रकार महासङ्घ, सिराहा शाखाको दुई कार्यकाल उपसभापतिसमेत रहेका थिए । ..... ०५० देखि ०५२ फागुनसम्म माओवादीको खुला सङ्गठन संयुक्त जनमोर्चाको सिराहा जिल्ला सचिव रहेका पासवान सूर्यनारायण-सत्यनारायण क्याम्पस, सिराहामा बीएड पढ्दापढ्दै भूमिगत भएका थिए । ०५८ सालमा जयकृष्ण गोइतको अध्यक्षतामा गठित मधेसी राष्ट्रिय मुक्ति मोर्चाको केन्द्रीय सदस्य रहेका थिए
वार्ताको अधुरो प्रयास ः विजय मिश्र ज्वालाले भने, "आधारभूत सर्तसमेत पूरा गर्न नसक्ने यो सरकारका कुनै मानिससँग म टेलिफोनमा समेत कुरा गर्न चाहन्न, प्रत्यक्ष वार्ताको त प्रश्नै उठ्दैन ।" ... गोइतले चाहिँ माओवादीसँग होइन, सरकारसँग वार्ता हुनसक्ने तर त्यसका लागि वातावरण बनाउनुपर्ने प्रस्ताव .... बन्द फिर्ता लिएपछि त्रिपाठीका तर्फबाट सम्पर्क नगरएिकाले उनी सरकारप्रति आक्रोशित भए ..... अनौपचारकि कुराकानीका दौरान उनीहरू 'हामीलाई पनि नेपालप्रति माया छ तर पहाडी शासकहरूको अहम् भावनाबाट हामी दिक्क भइसक्यौँ' भन्ने गरेका छन ...... एमाले निकट बुद्धिजीवी विजयकान्त कर्णले पत्रकार रामरभिmन यादवको सहयोगमा गोइतलाई भारतमा गई भेटे ..... वार्ताको वातावरण तयार पार्न सरकारले मधेसमा युद्धविराम गर्नुपर्ने, मधेसको आन्दोलनमा सहादत प्राप्त गर्नेहरूलाई सहिद घोषणा गरी तिनका परविारलाई प्रतिव्यक्ति १५ लाख रुपियाँ क्षतिपूर्ति दिनुपर्ने, माओवादी र सेनाद्वारा मारएिका जनतान्त्रिकका केन्द्रीय नेताहरूको हत्याको छानबिन गर्न उच्चस् तरीय छानबिन समिति गठन गरनिुपर्ने र उनीहरूका नेता-कार्यकर्तामाथिका सम्पूर्ण मुद्दा फिर्ता गर्नुपर्ने ....... सिटौलाले एक पत्रकार सम्मेलनमार्फत वार्ताटोलीका सदस्यहरूको मुद्दा मात्र सरकारले फिर्ता लिने घोषणा गरे । यसबाट ज्वाला सिंह आक्रोशित भई हिंसात्मक कारबाही जारी राखे । ....... यसैबीच, वार्ताटोलीका संयोजक ठाकुरले आन्तरकि रूपमा गृहमन्त्री सिटौलाले राजीनामा नदिएसम्म वार्तामा नबस्ने अडान लिए । हुनसक्छ, गृहमन्त्रीको राजीनामा मागिएकै कारण उनलाई दोस्रोपटक वार्ता टोलीको संयोजक बनाइएन । ..... पहिले मन्त्रीहरूसँग प्रत्यक्ष टेलिफोन वार्ता गररिहने गोइत र ज्वाला सिंह अहिले टेलिफोन सम्पर्कमा पनि आउन तयार छैनन्
समग्र समाधानको सूत्र ः हरि रोका औसत एक जनाको हत्या, एक जनाको अपहरण, १० जनामाथि कुटपिट, महिनामा औसत तीन महिलाको बलात्कार, १० दिनमा औसत एउटा टोलमा लुटपाट र आगजनी । अहिले मधेसमा भइरहेका घटनाहरूको फेहरस्ित हो यो । .... तराईका २० जिल्लामध्ये आठ जिल्ला -पर्सा, बारा, रौतहट, सर्लाही, महोत्तरी, धनुषा, सिराहा र सप्तरी) मा कार्यरत पहाडी मूलका कर्मचारी र शिक्षकहरूलाई जागिर छोडेर हिँड्न जनतान्त्रिक तराई मुक्ति मोर्चाका तीनै घटकले उर्दी जारी गरेपछि स्िथति असामान्य बन्न पुगेको छ । सयौँ कर्मचारी र शिक्षक अड्डा-अदालत, पाठशाला तालाबन्दी गरेर हत्केलामा ज्यान राख्दै लाखापाखा लागिरहेका छन् । ...... मुद्दा नसल्टाउने किसिमले वार्ता गर्ने नाटक पनि मञ्चन भइरहेको ...... शान्ति सम्झौतापछि आन्दोलनका सबै हिस्सेदारहरूबीचको गोलमेच सम्मेलन, पूर्ण समानुपातिक निर्वाचन र सङ्घीय राज्यको अवधारणालाई त्यसमा समेटिएन । शान्ति सम्झौता र अन्तरमि संविधानको घोषणा गर्दा विगतको विशाल आन्दोलनमा अन्य हिस्सेदारहरू पनि सङ्घर्षमा थिए र छन् भन्ने बिर्सिइयो । फलस्वरूप के मधेस, के पहाड, के हिमाल राजनीतिक रत्तिmताको स्िथति रहिरह्यो र आन्दोलनका अरू हिस्सेदारहरूले आफ्नो ठाउँ बनाउँदै लगे । ....... काङ्ग्रेसले काङ्ग्रेस भएर, एमालेले एमाले भएर र राजावादीले राजावादी भएर माओवादीलाई पन्छाउन र जराविहीन बनाउन सकिन्नथ्यो । त्यही कारण हिजोको गैरसरकारी संस्था 'मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम' सबैका लागि साझा प्लेटर्फम बन्न पुग्यो । ...... कोही साना-ठूला क्षेत्रीय समूहहरूलाई एक्लाएक्लै वार्तामा डाकेर आफूद्वारा संरक्षित शक्ति बनाउन खोज्दैछन् । र, कोही आफ्नो नारा तथा कार्यक्रम चोरी भएको गुनासोको गीत गाइरहेका छन् । तर, समस्याको जडसम्म पुगेर कसैले समाधान खोजिरहेको देखिँदैन । ..... मूल मुद्दाहरूलाई किनारामा पन्छ्याएर यतिबेला यी सङ्गठनहरूले आन्दोलनको समयमा मारएिका व्यक्तिहरूलाई सहिद घोषणा, घाइतेहरूलाई औषधि-उपचारको व्यवस्था, मृतक परविारलाई क्षतिपूर्तिको व्यवस्था र संविधानसभा निर्वाचनमा समावेशी तुल्याउन पूर्ण समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणाली आदिलाई मागका रूपमा अगाडि सारेका छन् । ...... मधेसका अधिकांश नेता-कार्यकर्तालाई पहाडको भूगोल, त्यहाँको अविकास र कठिनाइबारे थाहा छैन । कतिपयलाई उच्च खस पहाडियाहरूले दुई सय ३९ वर्ष राज गरेकाले पहाडमा थुप्रै काठमाडौँहरू होलान् भन्ने भ्रम छ ....... तराईमा चार कट्ठामा खेती गरी जीविका गर्नका लागि पहाडी किन बसाइँ सर्छ ..... कुनै पनि भाषिक, जातीय वा पेसागत समुदाय २० प्रतिशतभन्दा माथि छैनन् । वर्गीय हिसाबले पनि यहाँ शोषक र शासित गरी दुई वर्गमा मात्र विभाजित छैनन्, थुप्रै वर्ग छन् । चेतनाको स्तर पनि समान छैन । ...... बन्दसूची प्रणाली अन्तर्गतको पूर्ण समानुपातिक निर्वाचन पद्धतिमा जाँदा एक वा दुई कार्यकालपछि पुनः 'फस्ट पोस्ट दी पास सिस्टम' अर्थात् 'जसको धेरै मत उसको जीत' प्रणालीमा जान पनि सकिन्छ ...... कुनै पनि राजनीतिक दलले चुनावमा पूर्ण बहुमत हासिल गर्ने स्िथति छैन .... कुल ग्रार्हस्थ आम्दानीको झन्डै दुईतिहाइ योगदान गर्ने र कुल खेतीयोग्य जमिनको ६० प्रतिशत हिस्सा ओगटेको सिङ्गो तराईलाई समेट्न राज्यले तत्काल गोलमेच सम्मेलन आयोजना गरोस्, जो अराजनीतिक शक्ति हुन्, तिनीहरू आफसेआफ प्रक्रियाबाट अलग्गिने छन् । जो राजनीतिक शक्ति हुन्, ती मुलुकको राजनीतिलाई स्पष्ट दिशानिर्देश गर्न मूलधारमा समाहित हुनेछन् । त्यसैले, अलग-अलग चुलो बाल्नेतिर र अलग-अलग समाधान खोज्नेतर्फ नलागी सबै राजनीतिक दलहरू मधेसकेन्दि्रत हुनु जरुरी छ
समस्याका तीन आयाम ः तुलानारायण साह महेन्द्रनारायण निधिले भनेका थिए, "यो देशमा मधेसीमाथि ठूलो विभेद छ । म महामन्त्री भएर के गर्नु ? म पनि सन्तुष्ट छैन । " .... अधिकांश दलहरू मधेसलाई त्यस्तै दृष्टिबाट हेर्छन ... नेकपा माओवादीले आफ्नो विगतको धारणामा परविर्तन ल्याई मधेस आन्दोलनका कारण राष्ट्रियतामाथि खतरा आइपरेको व्याख्या गरेको छ । नेकपा एमालेले कहिले आपराधिक त कहिले आंशिक राजनीतिक आन्दोलन भनेर द्वैध धारणा कायम राखेको छ । नेपाली काङ्ग्रेसले त मधेसबारे खासै कुनै अवधारणा बनाएकै छैन । अनि, उसैबाट चोइटिएको नेपाली काङ्ग्रेस प्रजातान्त्रिकले 'दमजमक' नीति अन्तर्गत दलित, महिला, जनजाति, मधेस र कणर्ालीका फरक-फरक समस्यालाई एउटै रूपमा व्याख्या गर्दै सीमित आरक्षणको नीति अगाडि सारेको छ । ..... मधेसबारे दोहोरो कुरा गरेर एमालेले आफ्नै पार्टीका मधेसी नेताहरूको चित्त बुझाउन सकेको छैन । प्रजातान्त्रिक काङ्ग्रेसले बिनाकुनै अध्ययन गाउँघरमा औषधि बाँडेर जीविका गर्ने झोले 'डाक्टर' ले जुनसुकै बिरामीलाई सिटामोल दिएजस्तै 'दमजमक' नीति र आरक्षणको कार्यक्रम ल्याएको छ । उता माउ काङ्ग्रेसमा चाहिँ मधेसभित्र व्याप्त जातीय अन्तरविरोधको त्रुटिपूर्ण व्याख्या गर्दै केही खास जातका केही खासखास नेताहरूको हनुमानी भजन सुनेर रमाइरहेजस्तो देखिन्छन्, नेता गण । उच्च जात ब्राह्मण, भूमियार वर्गबाट महन्थ ठाकुर, बहुसङ्ख्यक यादव समुदायबाट डा रामवरण यादव, अल्पसङ्ख्यक जातहरूमध्ये बनियाबाट रामकुमार चौधरी र थारू समुदायबाट सुरेन्द्र चौधरीजस्ताले गिरजिाप्रसाद, सुशील कोइरालाका अगाडि गर्ने बखानबाट प्रभावित देखिन्छ काङ्ग्रेस नेतृत्व । ....... राप्रपा, जनशक्ति र सद्भावनाहरू दाउ मार्ने पार्टीहरू हुन् । यी पार्टीहरूको हरेक सोच र कार्य नेता जन्माउनुभन्दा पनि मन्त्री उत्पादनतिर केन्दि्रत रहिआएकाले मधेस समस्याका सम्बन्धमा यिनले कुनै खास दृष्टिकोण नबनाउनु नौलो कुरै भएन । ...... हिंसारत समूहहरूको स्िथति भने चिन्ताजनक छ । समस्या बुझ्नु, समाधान खोज्नुभन्दा चर्चामा आउनु र पैसा असुल्नु उनीहरूको ध्येय हुने गरेको छ । अहिलेको राष्ट्रिय चर्चामा मधेसले ठाउँ पाउनुको मुख्य कारण यही हिंसाप्रेमी समूहहरूको क्रियाकलाप हो, जो तात्कालिक रूपमा मधेसीहरूलाई पि्रयजस्तो लागे पनि अन्ततः हानिकारक हुने निश्चित छ । ....... हिंसा गर्ने मधेसी समूहहरूले पहाडी एवम् मधेसी दुवै समुदायबीच हत्या र आतङ्क कायम राखे पनि राज्य संयन्त्रको रौँसम्म हल्लाउन सकेका छैनन् ...... लाल मधेस -२०६२ फागुन) मा डा बाबुराम भट्टराईले लेखेका थिए, "झन्डै अढाई सय वर्षदेखि पहाडिया खस जातीय अहङ्कारवादमा आधारति केन्द्रीय सामन्ती सत्ताले मधेसीमाथि विशेष निर्मम र दमनकारी शासन चलाउँदै आएकालेे मधेसको उत्पीडन अरू उत्पीडित जाति, वर्ग, क्षेत्रहरूको भन्दा पनि गम्भीर छ । खासगरी सम्पूर्ण मधेसी जातिलाई नै भारतीय वा विदेशी ठान्ने र गर्मी ठाउँमा बस्नेहरूको स्वाभाविक कालो वर्णका आधारमा झन्डै दक्षिण अपि|mकामा जस्तो अघोषित प्रकारको रङ्गभेदी नीति अपनाउने पहाडिया शासक वर्गको अत्याचारपूर्ण निकृष्ट आचरणले गर्दा मधेसीहरूमा गहिरो राष्ट्रिय अलगावको भावना विकसित हुन पुगेको छ ।" ....... गत माघको मधेस विद्रोहमा निमित्त नायकका रूपमा मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम देखिए तापनि त्यसको सङ्गठन र नेतृत्वको भरमा यत्रो ठूलो विद्रोह भएको विश्वास गर्न सकिने आधार छैन । मधेस समस्याको चुरो राजनीतिक विभेद मात्र नभएर त्यसका सामाजिक कारणहरू पनि छन् । ....... नेपालको अधिकांश पहाडी समुदायमा मधेसीहरूलाई हेर्ने दृष्टिकोण खासै सकारात्मक भएन । काठमाडौँ र पहाडी क्ष्ाेत्रमा प्रवेश गर्ने मधेसीको सङ्ख्या जसैजसै बढ्दै गयो, त्यसैत्यसै विभेदको तीतो अनुभव गर्नेहरूको सङ्ख्या पनि बढ्दै गयो ....... पछिल्लो समयमा काङ्ग्रेस, एमाले र माओवादीबाट मधेसी समुदायका नेताहरूको पलायनमा वृद्धि भइरहेको छ । स्वर्गीय निधिले ७० वर्षे उमेरमा गरेको अनुभव विजय गच्छदार, जयप्रकाश गुप्ताहरूले ५० वर्षकै उमेरमा गरेर बाटो खोज्दैछन् । ०४६ सालपछि जन्मेको पुस्ता यतिबेला मधेस आन्दोलनमा सक्रिय छ । यो त्यस्तो पुस्ता हो, जसको कहिल्यै ठूला दलहरूसँग आबद्धता रहेन तर आधुनिक प्रविधिसँग सुरुदेखिको निकटता रह्यो । यो त्यस्तो पुस्ता हो, जसलाई अझै ५०/६० वर्ष बाँच्नु छ । ......... मधेसको ७० प्रतिशत जग्गा गैरमधेसी समुदायको हातमा रहेको छ । ...... एउटा अज्ञानी ग्रामीण रोगी अङ्ग्रेजीमा पढेको डाक्टरकहाँ उपचार गराउन जान्छ, जसलाई स्थानीय भाषाको ज्ञान हुँदैन । त्यस्तो अवस्थामा रोगी र डाक्टरबीच संवाद र बुझाइको जस्तो समस्या हुन्छ, त्यस्तै समस्या अहिले मधेस र राज्यबीच छ । मधेसले आफ्नो यथार्थ समस्या सबैले बुझ्ने भाषामा व्यक्त गर्न सकिरहेको छैन, न त राज्यले नै बुझ्न सकेको/चाहेको छ
जातीय विद्रोह होइन ः सञ्जीव पोखरेल मधेसको मामिलामा केही विज्ञ र अधिकारकर्मीहरू पहाडबाट ठूलो मात्रामा तराईतिर भएको बसाइँसराइका कारण नै मधेसमा गरबिीको सिर्जना भएको र मधेसी समुदाय अवसरबाट वञ्चित भएको दाबी गर्छन् । .... तराईमा व्याप्त असन्तुष्टिले हिंसा वा अपराधको स्वरूप ग्रहण गर्नुमा नेपालका प्रमुख राजनीतिक दलहरू कम जिम्मेवार छैनन् .... संवाद वा वार्ताको ढोका खुला गर्दैमा मधेसमा व्याप्त असन्तुष्टिको समाधान हुन सक्दैन
पहिचानका पाँच प्रश्न ः जितेन्द्र देव लोकतन्त्रमा बन्दुक उठाउनु, हिंसा अपनाउनु, व्यक्ति-हत्याको बाटो अपनाउनु वा कुनै अमुक समुदायलाई तारो बनाउनु राजनीतिक आन्दोलन हुन सक्दैन ..... संविधानसभामा मधेसीहरूको समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व भएन भने नयाँ संविधान समावेशी कसरी बन्ने ? ..... केही निश्चित अधिकारहरू केन्द्रले राखेर बाँकी सम्पूर्ण अधिकार सङ्घीय राज्यहरूलाई प्रदान गरनिुपर्छ भन्ने मधेसीहरूको विचार छ । ..... केन्द्रीय तथ्याङ्क विभागको वर्तमान तथ्याङ्कले मधेसीहरूको जनसङ् ख्यालाई करबि ३४ प्रतिशत देखाएको छ । मधेसीहरूले यस तथ्याङ् कलाई मिथ्याङ्क मानेका छन् । र, भविष्यमा हुने नयाँ जनगणनाबाट इमानदारी र वैज्ञानिक परण्िाामको पर्खाइमा छन् । ...... आज सम्पूर्ण मधेसी समानुपातिक निर्वाचन प्रणालीको पक्ष्ामा छन् .... आममधेसीहरू संविधानसभालाई उपयोग गर्न चाहन्छन् तर आफ्नो समानुपातिक प्रतिनिधित्व सुनिश्चित गरेर
नत्र देश रहँदैन ः डा रामवरण यादव अहिले मधेसमा भइरहेको आन्दोलन लोकतन्त्रको उपज हो । .... तराईमा बस्ने पहाडी मूलका मान्छेलाई उसैले समेत लडेर ल्याएको लोकतन्त्रको आडमा लखेट्ने कुरा अनुचित हो । ..... पहाडको ब्राह्मण र हाम्राे तराईको झा एउटै हो । काठमाडौँका महर्जन, डङ्गोल -किसान) र मधेसका यादव, कोइरी एकै हुन् । नेवार समुदायको मानन्धर, सायमी र तराईको सुडी, तेली उस्तै हुन् । ...... बीपी कोइरालाले भन्नुभएको थियो, "तराईका मान्छेलाई पहाडबाट चुनाव लडाउ, पहाडका मान्छेलाई तराईबाट । यसले राष्ट्रियताको एउटा भावनाको विकास हुन्छ ।" ...... मधेसीले यो राष्ट्र अलग होस् भन्ने चाहँदैन, समानता भने चाहन्छ । मधेसमा भइरहेको हिंसा गलत हो । ..... हतियारको राजनीति जसले गररिहेको छ, ती माओवादीबाट फुटेर गएका हुन् । तिनलाई पनि माओवादी जसरी नै वार्ताद्वारा समाधान गर्नुपर्छ । ...... सरकारले राज्यको पुनःसंरचना आयोग तुरुन्त बनाउनुपर्छ । .... मधेसको समस्यामा ४२ दिन सदन घेर्नुको साटो ४२ दिन छलफल गरौँ न ! लोकतन्त्र भनेको त्यो पो हो ।
संवाद कि सङ्घर्ष ? ः चन्द्रकिशोर आजको मधेसका सन्दर्भमा लोकतन्त्र मात्र होइन, राज्यकै औचित्यमाथि प्रश्न उठ्न थालेको छ । केही प्रमुख सहरबजारमा बस्नेबाहेक अरू कसैले राज्यको अस् ितत्वबोध गर्नसक्ने अवस्था छैन । ..... मधेसीहरूलाई नै सबभन्दा बढी संविधानसभा आवश्यक छ ..... मूलतः मधेसबारे राज्यको बुझाइ नै भ्रमपूर्ण छ । .... मधेसी विद्रोहको मूल चरत्रि शान्तिपूर्ण र अहिंस्रक थियो । त्यो विद्रोहका नायक ती आममधेसीहरू थिए, जो सङ्घर्षमा सांस्कृतिक पहिचान लाठी लिएर उत्रिएका थिए । .... मधेसमा कुनै मधेसी सङ्गठनहरू बलियो र लोकपि्रय छैनन् भनेर मधेसी विद्रोहका नायकहरूलाई उपेक्षा गर्ने चेष्टा राज्यबाट लामो समयसम्म रहिरह्यो भने त्यसले भयङ्कर दुर्घटना निम्त्याउन सक्छ ..... फेर िआन्दोलन प्रारम्भ गर्‍यो तर दोस्रोपटक गरएिको अभ्यास सुनामी त के भुमरी पनि हुनसकेन ...... मुख्य सात दल काठमाडौँमै केन्दि्रत भएर मधेसमा लाभहानिको जोडघटाउ गर्न थाले । नेकपा माओवादीले मधेसमा 'सफाया' ..... मधेसमा जताततै हिंसा नै मात्र देखापर्नुको कारण शान्तिपूर्ण राजनीतिको अनुपस्थिति नै हो । ....... गठबन्धन सरकारका दुई प्रमुख शक्ति माओवादी र एमालेले मधेसी मुद्दालाई राज्यबाट सम्बोधन गराउनुको साटो आन्दोलनको उद्घोष गर्दा यसले सशस्त्र राजनीति गर्नेहरूलाई सहयोग पुग्यो । ...... एउटा, शान्तिपूर्ण राजनीतिबाट मधेसका समस्या सम्बोधन हुन सक्दैनन्, त्यसैले हतियार उठाउनुको विकल्प छैन भन्नेहरू । दोस्रो, माओवादीबाट पलायन वा निष्कासित भएकाहरू, जसले जातीय मुद्दालाई आधार बनाई आप\mनो धन्दा चलाइरहेका छन् । तेस्रो, राजनीतिक आवरणमा अपराधको काम गररिहेकाहरू । र चौथो, सैनिकीकरणलाई प्रोत्साहन गर्नेहरू, जसले निर्देशित रूपमा बन्दुक उठाएका छन् ।
तराईमा बढ्दो फाटो ः कौशल चेम्जोङ तराईमा रहेका पहाडी मूलका राष्ट्रसेवकहरूले जागिर छाडेर जानुपर्ने उर्दी । .... अहिले मधेसमा राजनीतिक र आपराधिक समूहको पहिचान गर्न मुस्िकल बनेको छ । ..... मधेसमा अहिले साम्प्रदायिक राजनीति वा जातीय युद्धका हिमायतीहरूले खुलेयाम शृङ्खलाबद्ध अभियान बढाएका छन् । .... तराईमा गहँुगोराहरू श्यामलादेखि त्रस् त बन्दै गइरहेका छन् । यस्तो गतिविधिले समुन्नत नयाँ नेपाल होइन्, बाइसे-चौबीसे नेपालको सङ्केत गर्दछ । तर पनि सत्ताधारीका नेता तथा कार्यकर्ताहरू चनाखो बनेका छैनन् । ........ यतिखेर पहाडी मूलका मधेसीहरू दिन दुईगुना, रात चौगुना विस्थापित बन्दै गइरहेका छन् भने आफ्नै भूमिमा शरणार्थीको जीवन बिताउन बाध्य हुँदै गएका छन् । मधेसबाट विस्थापितहरू भित्री मधेस अर्थात् चुरे-भावर क्षेत्रमा आएर सङ्गठित हुँदै गइरहेका छन् भने नखाएको विष लागेपछि 'बदलाको भावना' लाई दह्रो बनाउँदै लगेका छन् । यसले कुनबेला विस्फोटक रूप लिने हो, कसैले भन्नसक्ने अवस्था छैन । ....... अपराधीहरूको कुनै जात हुँदैन .... अनाहकमा ज्यान गुमाउने पहाडी मूलका मधेसीहरूको परिवारको सङ्ख्या दिनप्रतिदिन बढ्दो छ भने लुटिएका, अपहरणमा परेका र फिरौती बुझाउने पहाडीहरूको सङ्ख्या पनि उल्लेख्य बन्दै गइरहेको छ । तर, सरकार भने सुरक्षाबिनाको शान्तिको बकबास छाँटिरहेको छ । ...... तराईका जनताका उचित मागहरूलाई सम्बोधन गर्ने राजनीतिक निर्णय गर्न आठ राजनीतिक दलहरू किन पछाडि सरेका हुन् ? कत्लेआम नभईकन आठ पार्टीले तराईका समस्यालाई सम्बोधन नगर्ने हो कि ? स्िथति त्यस्तै देखिएको छ । ..... भारत छुट्टएिर पाकिस्तान बनेको उदाहरण दिनेहरूले पाकिस्तान चोइटिएर बङ्गलादेश बनेको घटना पनि बिर्सन हुन्न । हिंसाले प्रतिहिंसालाई बढावा दिन्छ भन्ने भुल्नु हुँदैन ।
अर्थतन्त्रको आधार वीरगन्ज-सिमरा २२ किलोमिटर सडक खण्डको दुईतिर उद्योग स्थापना हुँदै औद्योगिक करडिोरको आकार लियो । यो करडिोर विकासमा सरकारभन्दा निजी क्षेत्रको भूमिका महत्त्वपूर्ण रह्यो । ..... केडिया समूहका निर्देशक विमल केडिया भन्छन्, "उद्योगको प्रकृति, बजार, लागत, प्रतिस्पर्धा आदि पक्षले उद्योग कहाँ लगाउने निक्र्योल गर्छ र यी सबै कुरा तराईमा छन् । त्यसैले तराईमा बढी उद्योग स्थापना भए ।" ..... मुलुकभरका तीन हजार दुई सय १३ औद्योगिक प्रतिष्ठानमध्ये एक हजार नौ सय १६ तराईमै छन् । ठूला लगानीका उद्योगहरूको बाहुल्य तराईमै छ । पाँच करोडभन्दा बढी लगानीका एक सय २२ उद्योगमध्ये ८६ तराईमै अवस्िथत छन ....... विमल केडिया भन्छन्, "तराईको विकासको आधार कृषि हो तर यसको व्यवसायीकरणमा हामी जान सकेनौँ ।" ..... पहाडभन्दा धेरै सुगम स्थल हो, तराई । र, यही सुगमतालाई योजनाविद्हरूले 'टेकन फर ग्रान्टेड' का रूपमा लिएका छन् । त्यसैले भौगोलिक विकटता, पूर्वाधारको कमी आदि कारणले नेपालको विकास-प्राथमिकता पहाड हुनु स्वाभाविक नै हो ..... पूर्व-पश्चिम राजमार्गको निर्माणले मधेसका पुराना बजारहरू विस्थापित हुन पुगे, नयाँ बजारहरू विकास भए । सर्लाहीको सुन्दरपुर, रौतहटको पिपरा, समनपुर, बाराको सिमरौनगढ, मोरङको रगङ्ेली, सप्तरीको राजविराज, हनुमाननगरजस्ता बजारहरू पछाडि परे । ..... पूर्व-पश्चिम राजमार्गको निर्माणले तराईको विकासका लागि महत्त्वपूर्ण मानिएको हुलाकी मार्ग ओझेलमा पर्‍यो । ..... सरकारको प्रतिव्यक्ति विकास खर्च कम भएका जिल्लामा तराईका ११ जिल्ला पर्छन् ... नेपालका कम विकसित जिल्लाहरूको सूचीमा तराईका सात जिल्लाहरू -कपिलवस्तु, बारा, सिराहा, सर्लाही, महोत्तरी, रौतहट, पर्सा) पर्छन् । त्यस्तै, प्रतिव्यक्ति जिविस अनुदान पनि तराईमा कम छ । ... "निजी क्षेत्रको स्थानीय जनतासँग खासै सम्बन्ध छैन ।" ..... "पाँच दशकअगाडिसम्म तराईको बजार र अर्थतन्त्रमा नेपाली मूलका मधेसीहरूको नियन्त्रण थियो भने आज यहाँको अर्थतन्त्रको ठूलो हिस्सा प्रायः बर्मा तथा भारतको बिहार, उत्तर प्रदेश, राजस्थान आदि ठाउँबाट आएकाहरूले कब्जा जमाएका छन् ।" ...... मुलुकको राजस्वको ४० प्रतिशत हिस्सा वीरगन्जबाट असुली हुन्छ । ...... वीरगन्ज भन्सारले वाषिर्क २० अर्ब रुपियाँभन्दा बढी राजस्व असुली गर्छ तर पनि सरकारले पोखरामा लगेर न्यायाधीकरण स्थापना गरेको छ । अझ काठमाडाँैपछि राज्यलाई बढी आयकर बुझाउने सहर पनि हो वीरगन्ज । ...... तराई आन्दोलनको केन्द्रविन्दु नेपालका दुई प्रमुख औद्योगिक करडिोरहरू वीरगन्ज-पथलैया तथा सुनसरी-मोरङ बने ...... २० दिनको तराई आन्दोलनले मुलुकलाई झन्डै २९ अर्ब रुपियाँको क्षति पुर्‍यायो । निकासीमा अढाइ अर्ब रुपियाँ तथा पैठारीमा झन्डै साढे सात अर्बको नोक्सानी भयो । त्यस्तै, पाँच अर्बको राजस्व मुलुकले गुमायो । सो आन्दोलनका कारण औद्योगिक तथा व्यावसायिक क्षेत्रको उत्पादकत्वमा ६० प्रतिशतले ह्रास आएको ..... वीरगन्जका कैयौँ उद्योगपतिहरूले भारतको उत्तराञ्चल र दिल्लीसँग जोडिएको नोएडा क्षेत्रमा उद्योगधन्दा सुरु गरेका छन् । .... कृषिको व्यवसायीकरण, हुलाकी मार्गको निर्माणले यहाँको अर्थतन्त्र र बजार दुवैलाई चलायमान बनाउन सक्छ ।
माओवादीभित्र सल्केको आगो .प्रचण्डपथ भनेकै महेन्द्रपथको अर्को रूप हो । राजा महेन्द्रले राष्ट्रियताको खोक्रो नारा दिएर जसरी मधेसी समुदायबीचमै विखण्डन ल्याएका थिए, ठीक त्यसैगरी प्रचण्डपथले पनि मधेेसलाई टुक्र्याउनुसिवाय अरू केही काम गरेन ..... त्यसको केही महिनापछि माओवादी नेता सुरेश आलेमगर र उपेन्द्र यादवसहित दिल्लीमा पक्राउ परहिाले ..... किराँत प्रदेशले आपत्ति जनाउँदै झापा, सुनसरी, मोरङका केही भूभाग आफूमातहत राखिनुपर्ने दाबी गर्‍यो ..... "जनसङ्ख्या र भेषभूषाका हिसाबले यी तीन जिल्लाको महेन्द्र राजमार्गभन्दा उत्तरी क्षेत्रमा दुईतिहाइ किराँतीहरूको बसोवास छ, त्यसकारण पनि यो भूभाग किराँत प्रदेशमा राखिनुपर्छ भन्ने हाम्रो माग हो," माओवादीका केन्द्रीय सदस्य एवम् तत्कालीन 'किराँत प्रदेश' प्रमुख गोपाल किराँती भन्छन् ....... पूर्वमा उपेन्द्र यादवलाई अध्यक्ष बनाएर मधेसी जनअधिकार फोरम सङ्गठन खोलियो । झट्ट हेर्दा यो मधेसी अधिकारबारे बोल्ने सङ्गठनजस्तो देखिए पनि भित्रभित्रै त्यसको जरो माओवादी पार्टीसँग जोडिएको थियो । ....... पूर्व झापादेखि कपिलवस्तुसम्मको तराईलाई मधेसी स्वायत्त प्रदेशभित्र गणना गरएि पनि पार्टी सङ्गठनको भूगोल भने उत्तरदेखि दक्षिणसम्म्ाको भर्‍याङ् आकारमा नक्साङ्कन गरएिको थियो । ...... माओवादीको थारूवान मुक्ति मोर्चाका महासचिव लक्ष्मण चौधरी -रोशन) सहित तीन दर्ज्ानले थारू जातिप्रति उपेक्षा गरेको भन्दै पार्टी परत्ियाग गरे । अहिले त्यही समूह छुट्टै सङ्गठन खोलेर सक्रिय छ । ...... माओवादीमा रहँदासम्म मातृकानिकट मानिने उपेन्द्र यादवको त सुरुदेखि सबै दक्षिणको मैदानी क्षेत्रलाई पार्टीले मधेस भन्नुपर्ने माग थियो .... माओवादी पार्टी कहिल्यै एक मधेसको पक्षमा देखिएन । प्रचण्डले त यसलाई भारतको 'ग्रयान्ड डिजाइन' अन्तर्गत आएको समेत भनेका छन् । ..... डा बाबुराम भट्टराईका शब्दमा, "मधेस केही समययता क्रान्ति र प्रतिक्रान्तिको घनिभूत थलो बनिरहेको छ । ठीक ढङ्गले परचिालन गरयिो भने दक्षिण एसियामा क्रान्ति फैलाउने माध्यम बनाउन सकिन्छ, नभए आफैँ सिद्धिने डर पनि उत्तिकै छ ।" ...... प्रचण्डले सार्वजनिक भाषणमै स्वीकारेका छन्, "हामीले युद्धको सुरुताका युद्ध सामग्री पूर्वी तराईबाट ल्यायौँ र पछिल्लो अवधिमा त्यसको मूल स्रोत पश्चिम तराई बन्यो ।" तराई युद्ध सामग्री आयात गर्ने थलो मात्र नभएर यसलाई मूल आधारइलाका बनाएर 'क्रान्ति' सफल पार्न सके त्यसको प्रभाव विश्वभर फैलिने विश्वास माओवादीमा अझै छ ।
तराईकेन्दि्रत भारतीय सहयोग तराई जतिजति तनावग्रस्त हँुदैछ, त्यहाँ भारतको अभिरुचि उति नै बढ्दैछ ..... भारतीय दूतावासले सञ्चालन गर्ने साना विकास परयिोजना । भारत सरकारको यो यस्तो योजना हो, जसमा गाउँको कुनै व्यक्तिले भारतीय दूतावासमा निवेदन दिएको भरमा तीन करोड रुपियाँसम्म पाउन सक्छ ..... परयिोजना अन्तर्गतको सहयोग तेब्बर पार्ने र नेपाली विद्यार्थीलाई दिने गरएिको छात्रवृत्ति एक हजारबाट दुई हजार विद्यार्थीमा पुर्‍याउने घोषणा समेत गरियो । ..... नेपालमा २० अर्ब रुपियाँका एक सय ५८ कार्यक्रमहरू चालू छन् । गाविस वा जिविसले सीधै भारतीय दूतावाससँग कुनै परयिोजनाका लागि आग्रह गर्न सक्छन्, जसका लागि सरकारलाई सूचनासम्म गर्नु जरुरी छैन । ..... "राजदूतले स्कुल बनाउँदै हिँड्ने, चन्दा दिनेजस्ता काम दुनियाँको कुनै पनि देशले गर्न दिँदैन" ....... भारतले पूर्व-पश्चिम राजमार्गमा अप्टिकल फाइबर बिछ्याएपछि चीनले पनि उत्तर-दक्षिणमा अप्टिकल फाइबर नै बिछ्याउने प्रस्ताव गरेको छ ..... चीनले ल्हासासम्म ल्याइपुर्‍याएको रेललाई नेपाली सीमासम्म ल्याउने योजना अगाडि सारेपछि भारतले पनि नेपाली नाकासम्म ब्रोडगज रेलवे लाइन विस्तार गर्नेसम्बन्धी विस्तृत अध्ययन पूरा गरसिकेको छ । ...... आठ सय ५८ किमि लामो पूर्व-पश्चिम अप्टिकल फाइबर -लागत एक अर्ब १८ करोड रुपियाँ) सन् २००४ नोभेम्बरमा नेपाल टेलिकमलाई हस्तान्तरण भइसक्यो
मधेसमा भारतको दूतावास वीरगन्जवरपरका आठ जिल्लाका १० पत्रकार यतिबेला महावाणिज्य दूतावासकै शैक्षिक कार्यक्रममा भारतको राजधानी दिल्ली पुगेका छन् । ..... स्थापनाको तीन वर्षको अवधिमा महावाणिज्य दूतावासले एक अर्ब ६७ करोड ७७ लाख छ हजार पाँच सय २९ रुपियाँ खर्च गरसिकेको छ । ..... भारतीय अपराधीबाट असुरक्षित भएको गुनासो लिएर व्यापारीहरू प्रहरी होइन, दूतावास नै धाउने गरेका छन् । ..... गतवर्ष साउनमा झारखण्डको बाबाधाम पुगेर आएका बस ड्राइभरको सीमावर्ती रक्सौलमा प्रहरीको कुटाइबाट मृत्यु भएपछि आक्रोशित यातायात मजदुरले दूतावासको मूल ढोकामा लास राखेर क्षतिपूर्तिको माग गरे । उक्त घटनापछि रावले स्थानीय सुरक्षा निकायले लासलाई तत्काल नहटाए सीमामा तैनाथ एसएसबी र केन्द्रीय रजिर्व प्रहरी फोर्सका जवान भित्र्याउने धम्की दिए । अनि, गृह मन्त्रालय नै सक्रिय हुनुपर्ने अवस्था आयो । मन्त्रालयले मृतकका परविारलाई १० लाख रुपियाँलगायतका यातायात मजदुरका सबै माग पूरा गरेपछि तनाव मत्थर भएको थियो ।

Govt-MJF talks fall through after Forum demands dissolution of interim parliament NepalNews In a surprising move, the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum (MJF) demanded the dissolution of interim parliament at the third round of formal talks between the government and MJF on Saturday. "We think that it is wrong for parties to pocket salaries and benefits and exploit state resources and then take part in election. We think this interim parliament should be dissolved once the Election Programmes are released. Their (legislative) authority can be given to the government," said Upendra Yadav, chief of MJF. The MJF had spearheaded the Madhes agitation in January and February this year. ..... According to Kishor Bishwas, the MJF vice-chairman and one of negotiators of the party, the talks could not progress due to lack of homework on the part of the government team. ... there was no serious debate on key MJF demands, which include constitutional guarantee of federal governing system with local autonomy along with right to self determination, and fully proportional electoral system for constituent assembly elections. ... Next round of talks will be held within August 5
Curfew in Charikot as YCL activists clash with police
Govt intensifies rescue efforts in flood-hit districts; NC, CPN-M to mobilise cadres
Over 16,000 families displaced by floods; death toll hits 72
FNJ condemns sacking of journos, wants them reinstated
CPN-UML starts 'appeasing' Madhesis for votes In a mass gathering of Madheshi people living in Kathmandu, Saturday, CPN-UML general secretary Madhav Kumar Nepal, who himself represents a terai constituency, called on all Madhesis to cast votes in favour of his party ..... since the constituent assembly is tipped to promote the agenda of state restructuring, there is no meaning of putting any pre-condition before it
Prachanda, PM discuss ways to create election atmosphere strengthening eight party unity and creating election atmosphere across the country. .... discussed about the resumption of verification of Maoist combatants, the need to return seized lands and properties ..... Madhes problem, appointment of ambassadors .... Prachanda stressed on strengthening eight party unity to ensure Constituent Assembly (CA) elections dismissing some Maoist leaders' assertion that they might walk out of the government. ..... Prachanda said that eight parties need to take out joint political programmes in Terai districts.
Rayamajhi Commission report to be publicised after next cabinet meeting
WB threatens to pull out of financial sector reform
'Big brother' to watch over Singhadurbar police have installed close-circuit cameras in and around Singhadurbar.

Nepal Govt-MJF talks fall
No progress in Govt-MPRF talks
Kantipur Online, Nepal
Govt, MJF talks inclusive
Gorkhapatra, Nepal
Nepal: Maoists demand equal share in power booty Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal The Maoists Party in Nepal is reported to have pointed that the violence in Madhesh is set to disrupt the Constituent Assembly Elections slated for November 22, this year. Thus there is a need for the Eight Parties to devise a common strategy in order to address the Madhesi issue in its totality, the Maoist Party concludes ....
Baburam Bhattarai-the Maoists’ deputy .. we are of the opinion that genuine Madhesi demands should be addressed but the elements spreading anarchy must be reprimanded as well”.
Nepal: Army still powerful than Prime Minister, Prachanda
Entire Terai Submerged in Water Koshi Barrage ... Out of 55 flood-gates, reports say that 37 gates have already been opened to save the Barrage from being swept away by the roaring waters. .... The flow of water at the barrage was reported to have crossed the limit of 2 Lakh 87 Cusecs per second thus causing the red signal to be brought into action. .... Similar reports from the vast expanse of the west Terai reveal that the .. India constructed illegal dams at various points along the borders have caused thousands of Nepali villages to go under water. .... Sunsasri, Siraha, Saptari, Morang, Bara, Parsa, Rautahat, Rupendehi, Kapilvastu, Nawalparasi and Bardia .... Factories, Government offices and Schools have shutdown due to the unusual downpour.
Terai protesters give Aug 5 deadline to Nepal government NewKerala.com, India less than four months remaining for the crucial constituent assembly election ..... two groups of ethnic protesters warning of a fresh stir after Aug 5..... gave Prime Minister Girija Prasad Koirala's government eight days to meet its demands or face fresh agitation in the plains. ...... asking for a reshuffle of the current government with the inclusion of representatives from the plains, Adivasis, Dalits, Muslims and other marginalised groups. ...... asking the government to choose a proportional election system instead of the complicated mixed system adopted for the Nov 22 election...... the Forum has warned it will start a "peaceful but potent" protest movement. ..... "We do not think this government wants an election," Kishor Biswas, Forum leader and part of its four-member talks team, said. ...... "Over 60 percent voters are now in the Terai, due to internal migration and population growth. How can you have an election without solving the problem of a region where the majority of voters are?" ..... Besides the Forum, another group of protesters, the Nepal Adivasi Janajati Mahasangh, has given the government an Aug 9 deadline. The Mahasangh, an umbrella of nearly 60 communities, had paralysed Nepal earlier this year with a series of closures. .... UN Secretary General Ban Ki-moon .. the Terai situation remained an obstacle for the polls. .. The Koirala government has already postponed the election once from June due to the turmoil in the Terai.
Nepal: MJF-Government agree to disagree Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal
Fresh Closures Plague Nepal's Terai
NEWSPost India, India The Terai, already reeling under a devastating flood, received a fresh blow with an armed group, the Madhesi Tigers, calling a two-day closure from Friday. ... Siraha .. transport grinding to a halt and educational institutions and offices remaining closed. .... Tharu Kalyankari Sabha, also called a one-day closure of the Terai Friday, asking transporters not to ply in 23 districts in the plains. ..... Tharu community of Nepal .. nearly 3 million, are among the most disadvantaged, having been bonded slaves till 2000 when the government abolished the kamaiya (bonded labour) custom. ...... the Sabha claims there are about 50,000 freed kamaiyas who have no means of livelihood. ..... The Tharu Kalyankari Sabha said it was calling the Terai shutdown to demand an autonomous state for Tharus, rehabilitation of freed 'kamaiyas' and proportionate representation in the constituent assembly election, scheduled to be held Nov 22. ...... the double Terai closure .... the Maoists .. five breakaway factions. .... The three splinters of the Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha are locked in a deadly internecine feud with the Maoists in the plains, where over 100 people have been killed since January. ....... the Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, yet another dissenting group in the plains that is also becoming one of the most influential. ..... the Chure Bhawar Ekta Samaj, and persuaded it to call off its week-long strike from Saturday after agreeing to release nine of its arrested leaders and compensate the kin of those killed in the Terai violence. .. The capitulation is likely to cast a shadow on the talks with the Forum scheduled for Saturday since it accuses the government of not showing any flexibility towards its demands.
Nepal: Turmoil in Madhesh
Merinews, India THE TERAI is boiling and is about to burst. It is feared that Nepal as a nation might see a horizontal split if the Madheshi grievances are not dealt with properly. The situation has changed for the worse to the extent that government officials belonging to the Pahadi community, that is the hilly areas, residing and working in the Terai belt, have begun to flee. More than 50 people are reported to be killed by the brutal police force and almost all are Madheshis. The government under Sitaula-Koirala combine has resorted to serving unwarranted ultimatums to the Madheshi leaders, instead of taking them into confidence. ....... Prachanda even suggested that the government, the YCL and the Army could well be deployed to crush the Terai movement. .... This issue did not emerge suddenly but a long history of a sense of discrimination is the root cause. The issue relates to a movement against the state’s “discriminatory” politics. ...... the Kirats have also started agitating .... The Maoist leaders need to change their tone or else the Pahadi community in Terai/Madhesh will have to bear the brunt of their erratic utterances. According to a Chinese saying “Hundred years ago it was the best time to begin and today is the next best time to start.”
Nepal Govt-MJF talks inconclusive
Media For Freedom, Nepal Hariram Joshi is too scared to reveal where he is hiding in the Nepali capital, Kathmandu, after fleeing his home last week in Siraha District, nearly 400km southeast of Kathmandu. He had received death threats from alleged members of Janatantrik Terai Mukti Morcha (JTMM), one of the most feared militant groups in the Terai region of south Nepal. "I had to abandon my house and farmland for the safety of my family," said Joshi, who is among hundreds of people newly displaced by violence in the southeast at the hands of groups demanding greater political rights and regional autonomy for the Madhesi community in the Terai. ...... "The situation is very serious. The new displacement is not being publicised and could have serious humanitarian consequences," Vincent Omuga, humanitarian affairs officer with the UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) in Nepal ...... new IDPs who are said to be afraid to register with the local government or police. Aid agencies are also having difficulty accessing villages where there are reports of displacement. ...... "Our access to the Terai has reduced greatly especially in remote areas where people need aid most," said prominent Nepali civil society activist Subodh Pyakhurel ..... due to the lack information, immediate assistance was unable to reach those suffering food insecurity. ..... Among the newly displaced, those most at risk are the hill people who.. have lived in the Terai for generations ..... land belonging to the hill people had been occupied by various armed groups. ..... "If this trend continues humanitarian consequences could worsen," said Onuga. ..... The number of militant groups in the Terai has been increasing ..... Among the most feared are the who are Madhesi Tigers, Cobra Group, two factions of JTMM and nine other similar groupsbent on cleansing the Padhesi fromthe Terai region, according to some local rights NGOs who requested anonymity for fear of attacks from these armed groups. ....... new anti-Madhesi groups are also being formed. These include the notorious Terai Virus Cleaners, the Ajingar Group, Bhawar Ulka and the Chure Bhawar Ekta Samaj (CBES), which are expected to give rise to more inter-ethnic tension and possible further displacements ...... the Madhesi population living alongside them in hilly districts. "The Madhesi people could also suffer from displacement and lose their only means of survival," said the NRC's Amrita Shrestha. ...... "Now it is only the government who can prevent further displacement and inter-ethnic tensions between people of the hills and the Terai," said Pradeep Jha, protection officer from the National Human Rights Commission (NHRC).
Nepal: Hundreds displaced by violence in southeast
ReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland
NEPAL: DIVIDED LOYALTY DANGEROUS Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal Nepali Congress under Girija Prasad Koirala is a decaying force by all means. The entire congress paraphernalia would see a premature death .... Some even suspect that what transpires in between the Prime Minister in his official is being leaked instantly by some “paid informers” to Lainchour Durbar. .... We bet, if the party mentioned above toed the Sitaula line for any longer, the entire Madhesi congress leaders housed in the congress at the moment would love to form yet another party entirely housed by the Terai congressmen. If this does happen, and it is likely to happen any moment from now if the political aberrations seen in the party are not corrected on time, the congress will see a vertical split which, in that eventuality, the nation-state might have to undergo through the pains of bifurcation both horizontally and vertically. ....... we would salute any leader from any major political party to go to the Terai belt and dare to make a lecture there. He can not do so as he used to do so not so in the distant past. Frankly speaking no Pahade leader ,be he in the government or outside, has so far traveled to the Terai without ensuring adequate security for himself. Even Sitaula or for that matter minister Ram Chandra Poudel can not move freely in Terai without aided by the government security agencies. But for how long? ...... Sitaula was shown a black flag in Rajbiraj the other day.
200 Maoist soldiers fall sick in Nepal cantonments Times of India second division cantonment in Shaktikhor, Chitwan in central Nepal, have fallen sick as they were compelled to drink polluted river water. ... most of them suffering from high fever and jaundice. The combatants are facing problem due to the lack of timely medical treatment.

Saturday, July 28, 2007

Madhesi Alliance Needed




ICG Report On The New Alliance
Indian Support For Democrat-Maoist Alliance A Must
Alliance Of Steel
Caution: Alliance Approaching
Possible Framework For A Maoist-Democrat Alliance
For Democrats Reinventing Self More Important Than Any Alliance With Maoists
Indo-US-EU Alliance Needs To Do A US-In-Haiti In Nepal
Indo-US Alliance For Democracy In Nepal Needed

Name: Madhesi Alliance (Madhesi Morcha)
Convenor: Upendra Yadav
Members: Madhesi Janadhikar Forum, Sadbhavana (Anandi), Goit, Jwala, and the other 10 armed Madhesi groups.
Two Step Agenda: Give an ultimatum to the government. Hold elections in November according to the following formula, or prepare for the elections to be disrupted.
  1. Completely proportional elections for 300 seats.
  2. Every third name on a party's list must be female. Other than that there are no rules. Lists must be submitted to the people.
  3. Majority coalition forms the government after the elections.
If elections according to this formula be secured, then go to the people with one slogan: One Madhesh, One State. Retain the Madhesi Alliance.

If the government does not agree to this formula, organize the April Revolution's third, final chapter to coincide with the elections slated for November 22. Launch it a week before that date.

Seek a Madhesi-Janajati-Dalit coalition for that movement.

Goals:
  1. Girija resign.
  2. Form a new interim parliament, 300 strong, 145 from the seven parties, 155 from the Madhesi-Janajati-Dalit Alliance.
  3. Form a new interim cabinet.
  4. The country is declared a federal republic.
  5. Upendra Yadav becomes first president of Nepal.
  6. The Yadav administration takes the country through elections to a constituent assembly according to the formula above, slated for April 2008.
  7. The constituent assembly is to get two years to hammer out a constitution whose provisions will have to pass through two third majorities.
The Madhesi MPs who disrupted the parliament for a month are better off floating a party of their own. Their Pahadi masters are not about to have an attitude change anytime soon. They should launch a party and join the Madhesi Alliance.

Tehelka: Madhesi
Ridiculous Bahun Poudel
Talk To Goit
एक मधेश एक प्रदेश
Bahun Conspiracy To Hijack Constituent Assembly Elections
उपेन्द्र यादव: संवाद
Rajendra Mahto: Three Hours Of Video
मधेशी अान्दोलनको गन्तव्य: नभम्बर चुनाव
Rajendra Mahto In Town
Violence Is No Solution In the Terai
ICG: Nepal's Troubled Terai Region
Upendra Yadav: Five Hours Of Video
Nepal Weekly: Front Cover Story On Madhesi
िगिरजालाई पदमुक्त गर
Unification Formula For The Sadbhavana And The Communists
समानुपाितक िनर्वाचनको बाहुन फर्मुला मधेशी िवरूद्धको षडयन्त्र हो
तराईमा िहंसाको राजनीितक समाधान छ
जनजाित र दिलतले पार्टी नखोल्नु मानिसक दासता हो
Nepali Times Poll: A Lot Of Room For New Parties

In The News

Leave it to us Nepali Times Prashant Jha
“The madhes wants options” We tried to make the new Congress more democratic, but the old ways and the old culture continued. ..... If the current law and order situation continues, a November election is impossible. Law and order must improve and the Maoists must honour their commitments. They have to sincerely tell us how they regard the election. The demands of different agitating groups including the madhesis have to be addressed, and the eight parties have to prepare a joint electoral program. ..... Despite major changes in the country, the mentality of the eight-party leaders has not changed. If they continue like this, the madhes will reject them. The Madhes has traditionally been the Congress’s vote bank, but even this party will find it hard to salvage a decent position if it does not internalise the changes and adopt a new approach. The same goes for the UML. The madhes is looking for options. ..... The big parties are more focussed on partisan interests, than madhesi rights. Instead of supporting the Madhes Movement, they are suppressing it. Madhesis are looking for a party that will represent them. We’ve frequently met with MPs from different parties, but I am yet to decide on a new party. My colleagues and public opinion are both in favour of a new party. .... Our fight is with state not with the region or pahadi people.
Brain deficit CK Lal When a society’s best and brightest move away in pursuit of better opportunities, the prospects of progress in their home countries diminish. Nepal’s experience is similar to that of any other Least Developed Countries (LDCs) dealing with a crippling outflow of competent individuals. And no amount of remittances compensates. An adequate pool of skilled professionals is as important as aid and investment for LDCs to get out of poverty. ....... 65 percent of all newly graduated doctors in Bangladesh seek jobs abroad. ..... Leaders, planners, and administrators have less and less emotional stake in national development as their entire families too start lining up at embassies. ...... in Nepal there is a contradiction: both unemployment of trained manpower and a shortage of skilled professionals. ..... returnee professionals are the most frustrated lot in any capital city in the developing world. ..... when more women, dalits, janajatis, and madhesis become doctors, engineers, technologists, and scientists, it will matter a lot less that the Bahun-Chhetri-Newar elite is trooping out of the country. As it is, we could do with fewer of them in almost every discipline.

PM Koirala 'rests' while Nepal drowns Times of India In political circles, however, Koirala's "ill health" has become a matter of scepticism, being regarded as a ploy to defer unpleasant issues or express his annoyance with the Maoists.

Nepal to probe abuses during civil war Hindustan Times, India Nepal has started setting up a South Africa-style truth commission to tackle rights abuses during a bloody civil war, officials said, as the UN warned offenders could go unpunished. .... will allow those behind atrocities to confess without fear of punishment .... Both the Maoists and government security services committed serious human rights abuses during the war, including disappearances, rape and torture.
Nepal Maoists; Hallowed Under Hallucinations American Chronicle, CA Why should a disciplined, loyal, responsive, united and democratic institution; the National Army plot a coup at this juncture, when, all the instruments of national power are seriously supporting the peace process. ..... Discharge of the General Manager of the National Television, expulsion of 49 innocent GORKHAPATRA employees, imposing of restrictions over the publications of daily national broad sheets SAMACHAR PATRA and ANNAPURNA POST suffice prove of Maoist Coup in Mass Communications.
Nepal: Goit for UN facilitated talks Telegraphnepal.com, Nepal This sudden change in their hearts has come at a time when the entire Terai has been hard hit by the flood that has inundated thousands of villages.
Nepal: India ready to assist unlock Terai deadlock, Koirala Indian leaders believed that it was necessary first mainstreaming the armed groups such as Jwala and Goit .... is ready to provide logistic supports for the CA elections and that further delay in the conduct of all important CA elections could bring an imaginable crisis, Sujata quoted Mukherjee as saying. .... During her stay in New-Delhi Sujata was reported to have met Nitish Kumar-Chief Minister of Bihar and other leaders such as Surendra Bhadauriya, Rambilash Paswan, and Sharad Yadav.
Government-Chure Bhawar talks on The CBES organizing a press conference this morning had said that the dialogue was cancelled as the government responded indifferently to their demands set as precondition for talks. .... The government is yet to release our arrested cadres, declare those killed during the agitation as martyrs and form a commission to investigate the damage done during the protest programs .. The government’s indifference is baffling, if this behavior continues, we are ready to carry weapons, Mainali threatened. .... The CBES, among other things, has been demanding an autonomous region for themselves.
After Floods, Famine Stalks Nepal
NEWSPost India, India




Tehelka: Madhesi

Tehelka Cover Story On Madhesi

Cover Story


Click map to enlarge
NEPAL’S OTHER INSURGENCY

Ethnic assertion? Autonomy offensive? Liberation movement? Sankarshan Thakur travels to Kathmandu and the Tarai to get a sense of the ominous new rumblings in the neighbourhood

An alarming, and unheralded, civil war is spiralling to intensity along the sweep of India’s open frontier with Nepal. Allowed to fester, it could torpedo the fragile peace plan taking shape in Kathmandu, unleash a cascade of refugees into Uttar Pradesh and Bihar, and present New Delhi the anathema of a un mission digging into its backyard.

The erupted eye of this storm is an anarchic movement for self-determination by the plains people of Nepal. There are parallel armed insurgencies gunning for liberation, rival political groups seeking varied degrees of autonomy, and an establishment party from the region desperate to put out the fires and regain a measure of credibility in its home borough.

Madheshi ire has long been on slow-burn for reasons of institutionalised political, economic and social discrimination at the hands of a Pahadi (hill people) hegemony that has held sway over Nepali affairs for centuries — under the Shah kings, under long spells of Rana dictatorship, under democratic interregnums as well. This January, a small incident close to the border with India became the flashpoint of a volatile upsurge that both Kathmandu and New Delhi will have to contend with.

Photographs by MIN BAJRACHARYA
Siege within : Nepali Armed Police await deployment near Birgun
Road cross: a Nepali Red Cross jeep gets stranded during a bandh
Nationalism’s ire: charred remains of symbols of Pahadi hegemony
Last bus: gutted state transport vehicles at a Madheshi crossroads
Flames of discontent: Madheshi activists set alight a truck
‘Jai Madhesh’: MJF activists on one of their many recent protest marches through the region
An armed Maoist patrol clashed with activists of the Madheshi Janjagaran Forum (MJF), currently the best-known face of the Madheshi rebellion, in a small town called Lahan. Ramesh Mahato, an MJF apparatchik, was shot dead. The next day, the tempers still high, Maoists snatched Mahato’s body from MJF custody and cremated it.

The chain of violence Lahan unleashed is yet to be stilled. Pitched battles have been fought between security forces and Madheshi rights activists. Government establishments have been attacked and symbols of Pahadi dominance such as the constitution, photographs of the king and the Nepali topi publicly burnt. Slogans of a new nationalism have flowered across the region. In many pockets, nervous Pahadi residents have begun to contemplate flight to the hills — properties are being put on sale, women and children are being shifted to Kathmandu, businesses are being shut. It isn’t a Pahadi exodus yet, but it could become one. “We are grabbing their illegally captured lands and handing them to poor Madheshi workers,” claims an insurgent commander in Janakpur in eastern Madhesh, “We don’t want them here and they know it.” Told that this could lead to a backlash against Madheshis in the hills, an aide retorts, “Good, that’s what we want, Pahadis in the hills and Madheshis in Madhesh.”

Scare has its reasons. More than a hundred people have been killed in street protests and organised intra-group massacres; last week alone, one or the other insurgent group struck daily, claiming 18 lives. West to east, Madhesh has remained paralysed, bandh-bound or curfew-ridden. Swept into the whirl of heated opportunity, political and insurgent groups have stoked the embers of Madheshi grievance into many flaring fires. A top un observer in Kathmandu says the situation could tip “overnight” into a perilous flashpoint. A senior Indian diplomat in the Kathmandu mission is more blunt about boil and its implications. “Take serious note now,” he says, calling both Nepal and his home country to attention, “Potentially things are very dangerous, you could have all of UP and Bihar battling fire tomorrow and the heat will reach Parliament. This movement has reared its head dramatically.”

Madhesh is an entity (see box) most Indians aren’t even aware of and Nepalis are only grudgingly beginning to recognise. There is good reason to be cautious about over-reading the signs of alarm, but it could be fatal to underestimate the implications of a suppressed nationalism exploding into protracted and violent strife through the belt. “Madheshi sentiment is running impatient,” warns Dhirendra Premarshi, a Madheshi radio artist, who keeps a firm finger on the Tarai pulse, “The foundations of Madheshi secession are probably being built, and they are being built by the Kathmandu Pahadis, who will not even recognise Madheshis as humans. The only problem is Madhesh has a crisis of leadership, there are too many people trying out too many different things to keep pace with the public mood.”

For many Madheshi leaders, this is a now-or-never battle. Elections for a new Constituent Assembly (ca) are scheduled for November, and Madheshi political groups see it as their last chance to grab their rightful share of power and consequent benefits. Rocked by the vehement powderflash in the plains, Prime Minister GP Koirala scrambled to grant placatory concessions in February — the promise of a federal state, more government jobs and nearly half the seats in the ca to Madhesh. But that has done little to assuage anger or aspiration. “Koirala made it sound as if he was a feudal granting us a favour,” says Vijaykant Karan, a Kathmandu-based political scientist and Madheshi activist. “And how can we be sure we will get the little he has promised? Madheshis don’t want to plead anymore, they will snatch what they think is theirs, they want to end centuries of slavery.”

The MJF’s manifesto is a scorching indictment of Kathmandu. “Madhesh is an internal colony of the ruling hill people. Madheshis have been subjected to extreme national oppression, poverty, exploitation and discrimination. They are politically, economically, socially and culturally depressed. They have been strategically forced to migrate to India. Their landholdings have been confiscated, their languages have been choked…” On the ground, anti-Pahadi feeling can find more visceral and graphic expression. “Saala log humlog ko dhoti-muji bolta hai aur apne hi jameen par daba ke rakha hai. Pahadi raj ab nahin chalega,” a Madheshi labourer in Janakpur tells us, “yahan Pahadi police aur Pahadi afsar kahe rahega, humko apna log chahiye. Yahi ladai hai.” (They refer to us as dhoti-wearers and pubic hair, they have suppressed us in our own country. Why must we live under Pahadi police and Pahadi officials? That can’t continue, that is the fight now.)

Kanak Dixit, journalist and Kathmandu intellectual both liberal and engaged, agrees the anger has basis. “Madheshis have never been made to feel part of Nepal, it is true,” he says. “The psychology of this country is a hill psychology, they always look down upon the plains, to the extent of there being an element of racism. Madheshis have had many issues with the Pahadis, although I must say everybody was surprised by the intensity of the outburst. The state will have to respond with sensitivity and a genuine desire to redress grievances, else this could spread.”

Lahan became the flashpoint of a violent upsurge both Nepal and India will have to contend with
Madheshi protagonists, from the moderate MJF leader Upendra Yadav (see interview) to even mainstream actors like Ajay Chaurasia, a Nepali Congress MP, aren’t terribly sure of a transformation in the Pahadi mindset, even though they might hope and pray for it. “They are too used to being patronising,” Chaurasia says. “If they cannot learn now, there is bigger trouble coming, it is already too late.” Leaders such as him perhaps already sense the ground slipping underneath as Madheshi aspirations turn more radical and tug the goals of the movement beyond mere autonomy. And the MJF leadership, holding talks with the interim government in Kathmandu, might have good reason to sense they are losing support on the ground because they might be seen as people who jumped too quickly to compromise, or worse, as collaborators. “The issue is not what they will give or not give in the Constituent Assembly,” rails Rajan Mukti, a young underground militant who heads the operations of the Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-Jwala) in Dhanusha district. “The issue is who are they to give? One Pahadi dies and he is officially named a martyr by the government, dozens of Madheshis die and there is not even a word on them. That is the issue, this is a battle for self-respect and in Nepal we will never get that, everybody knows.” Rival JTMM leader Jaikrishna Goit is more ruthless on moderates (see interview). “The Pahadis will manipulate and cheat them, they know it, this is nothing that can be sorted out through talks and compromise, this is a struggle for Madheshi self-determination, we are not looking for crumbs.”

Hero No More: Madheshi activists burn an effigy of Maoist leader Prachanda

There is reason to be cautious on over-reading the alarm, but it could be fatal to underestimate a suppressed nationalism
For centuries, Madheshis complained about not being heard by the Pahadis. Now, many of them are refusing to communicate. The widespread sense that there lies little merit in trying to negotiate a deal with leaders in Kathmandu could become a major roadblock to solutions. Even the Maoist chief Prachanda, who first spoke of addressing Madheshi self-rule during his days in the jungles, is now seen as part of the Pahadi (and therefore anti-Madheshi) clique. It is not uncommon in Madhesh to hear Prachanda being clubbed with the bourgeois Pahadi establishment — Nepal is ruled by four Pahadi Bahuns (Brahmins, traditionally the ruling elite along with Chhetris, or Rajputs) — GP Koirala, Madhav Nepal, Prachanda and Baburam Bhattarai. That rankles Maoists, but they concede they made mistakes. “We slipped up on Madhesh,” admits Anil Shreshtha, party secretary of Parsa, a central Madhesh district, “When we were negotiating our entry into the interim government, we did not talk Madhesh.” Maoists are eager to pledge corrections, but Madheshis appear to have convinced themselves their failure was not an ideological lapse, it was deliberate because somewhere they too believe in Pahadi hegemony. Much of the popular Madheshi anger today is directed at Maoists; Lahan was a symptom of it.

Revolution Online: Rajan Mukti, JTMM(J) commander of Dhanusha

There’s rising clamour for self-rule in Madhesh, but equally, there is lack of clarity on critical issues
Most of Madhesh is a doppelganger of what lies immediately south — UP and Bihar. A pitifully impoverished and under-developed rural stretch, riven by feudalism and other forms of social oppression. It lacks for good roads, power, water, healthcare, education, administration. You could land in Simra near Raxaul upon a 20-minute air-hop from Kathmandu and feel you have arrived to the worst Bihar can showcase. What’s different in Madhesh, though, is that it has seen none of India’s affirmative processes of democracy at work — no redressal of regional aspiration, no positive discrimination for the underprivileged, no sense of a political leadership that will speak for them and get purchase. For the better part, Madheshis have been subjects, not citizens. And during the few phases of democracy, they’ve felt defrauded by the Pahadis who rule Kathmandu. “We don’t have a sense of democracy,” says Chandrakishore Jha, a Madheshi editor, based in Birgunj. “How could we? The Pahadis imposed the slogan of ek des, ek bhes, ek bhasa (one nation, one dress, one language), everything about the Madheshis got crushed. All the chaos breaking out is a result of that, and the problem is nobody is sure where we are headed.”

Jha probably typifies the confounded confusion of the Madheshi mind. All around, there is a rising clamour for self-rule, but, equally, there is the absence of clarity on critical issues. What’s to be the framework of self-rule? Independence? Autonomy within Nepal? A federal self-government that gives Madheshis the right to conduct their affairs as well as a stake in power in Kathmandu? Their aspirations have spawned a hydra of militancies — too many leaders offering too many routes to salvation. “It is a movement that evolves almost daily,” says Pradeep Giri, one of Nepal’s seniormost politicians, a Pahadi who has made his home in Madhesh, “The consciousness of the Madheshi is changing, probably it is becoming more militant. It needs a leader to channel all that, but there is vacuum. But that does not mean Kathmandu can continue taking it for granted.” For the moment, perhaps, Madheshis are merely happy they have shaken the Pahadis’ many assumptions of divine right to rule.


THE THEATRE

WHAT IS MADHESH?
Nepal's southern-most strip of flat land, an 885km stretch contiguous to UP, Bihar and West Bengal. Large parts are still covered with thick malarial jungles, but this strip is also home to nearly half of Nepal's 27 million population. Also known as the Tarai, Madhesh is a recent nomenclature symbolising the region's new-found will for political self-determination.

WHY IS IT ON THE BOIL?
Because the majority plains people of Madhesh feel chronically discriminated against by the Pahadis who have always controlled power in Kathmandu. They had to fight for decades to obtain citizenship. The main Madheshi languages — Maithili, Bhojpuri, Awadhi, Tharu — are not recognised. They occupy less than 12 percent jobs in key sectors and almost none in the top bureaucracy, police or army. They have little political voice. They believe they are an internal colony of Pahadi Nepalis.

WHY SHOULD INDIA BE CONCERNED?
Greater Madheshi turmoil could unleash a huge refugee influx into UP, Bihar and parts of West Bengal. There is already an active insurgency in the region; many armed groups work out of the Indian side. Culturally and socio-economically, Madheshis mirror UP and Bihar. Besides, people maintain cross-border social and family ties. If unrest builds, India will be forced to intervene. Strategically, trouble in Madhesh could bring international agencies such as the un close on India’s borders, something New Delhi is loath to accept.


THE DRAMATIS PERSONAE

Nepal Sadbhavana Party (ANANDI DEVI)
The Tarai’s traditional party, has championed regional issues. Currently lacks for ground credibility because it is part of the interim government and is seen as having been sold out to the Pahadi political establishment.

Madheshi Janadhikar Forum
A civil society group brought to the fore after the violence earlier this year. Stops short of secession but seeks autonomy and is currently in talks with the interim government. Has brand-recognition across Madhesh but is still trying to build an organisational base.

Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (GOIT)
Led by former Maoist Jaikrishna Goit, the JTMM(G) is fighting an armed struggle for liberation. Stridently secessionist, cadre strength is difficult to estimate, but could run into a few thousands. Not well equipped, constantly looking for arms. Although not a stated aim, they are seeking a Pahadi exodus as a prelude to independence.

Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JWALA)
A splinter faction of the JTMM(G), it has carried out most of the violence in Madhesh. Jwala, in his 40s, is more energetic than former mentor Goit, and is fast building a cadre-base in the eastern and mid-eastern Tarai. Is committed to independence, although not as ideologically grounded as Goit. Denies allegations of running a motley criminal outfit, sees himself as a serious claimant to Madheshi leadership.


July 14 , 2007


Related Stories


Nepal's Other Insurgency
Ethnic assertion? Autonomy offensive? Liberation movement? Sankarshan Thakur travels to Kathmandu and the Tarai to get a sense of the ominous new rumblings in the neighbourhood
'I will talk, but not to compromise'
Former Maoist Upendra Yadav talks to Sankarshan Thakur
'We want a free country, neither Nepal nor India'
Jaikrishna Goit
, head of the underground Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-G), in conversation with Sankarshan Thakur
Meanwhile in Kathmandu...
The Palace keeps alive hopes of reign after revolution, reports Sankarshan Thakur


‘I WILL TALK, BUT NOT TO COMPROMISE’

A former Maoist, Upendra Yadav heads what is arguably the biggest overground platform for Madheshi autonomy. He is in negotiations with Kathmandu but remains clear that if fundamental demands are not fast-tracked to acceptance, he will pull out and impose more radical demands. “Had the Pandavas been given their villages, the Mahabharat would never have happened. That is where we are today,” he told Sankarshan Thakur in an interview in Kathmandu. Excerpts:


‘Complete autonomy, freedom to determine our destiny, because
the Pahadis can never give us justice’

Tehelka: Why the sudden eruption of this movement?

Upendra Yadav:The exploitation of Madheshis is not a new thing, it has been going on for centuries and we have been silent. They treat Nepal like a country that belongs solely to Pahadis. We are victims of internal colonialism; we are not even treated as humans. Now is the time to grab our due. The nation is on the brink of major changes and a new constitution is on the anvil. If Madheshis do not get their rights now, they never will. We are close to half the country’s population, we don’t want charity, we want what’s rightfully ours.

What is your basic demand?

Complete autonomy, freedom to determine our destiny, because the Pahadis can never give us justice. We want Madhesh and we want self-rule.

But not secession?

We think genuine autonomy is enough to meet the aspirations of the Madheshi people. We do not want to push Madhesh out of Nepal, but I cannot guarantee what turn things might take if Kathmandu continues to bully us.

Are you hopeful talks will succeed?

Difficult to say. Government leaders agree in principal to our demands, but we see no reflection of that in their decision-making. They are making key appointments and no Madheshis have been included. They are confused about the kind of federal structure they might have. They seem unprepared to give up Pahadi hegemony.

Why are you even talking then? Some Madheshi outfits say you have sold out. That you are agents of the King.

The allegation is preposterous. We represent genuine Madheshi sentiment, nothing else. That is our only agenda and we are in talks for two reasons: one, we do not want to plunge Madhesh in anarchy, there has been enough violence lately; and two, the government said it wanted to learn about our problems and discuss what can be done.

But what’s your claim to being the sole representatives of Madheshi aspirations?

The Sadbhavana Party is having a good time in power. They lack credibility in Madhesh. The armed groups are splinters, not important. They lack ideology, programme and public support. During the recent agitation, the Janadhikar Forum clearly emerged as the voice of the Madheshis.

But the Maoists were the first to speak of Madheshi aspiration and autonomy.

They did and I was a Maoist too. But it became clear to us that they were not genuine, and that is why I and many others left. The Maoists are a Pahadi outfit, the same as the Nepali Congress and other Kathmandu parties. By not putting the Madheshi agenda on the table when they negotiated participation in the government, they exposed themselves. That is why they have no place in Madhesh today. They are in poor shape and are struggling to maintain a presence.

What role do you see for India? Do you think overt Indian support might hurt you?

We are people of Indian origin, but remember we are Madheshis and Nepalis. This is our struggle. India can give us moral support, which is not forthcoming at the moment. The people of Bihar and UP are with us, but the Government of India is not taking any notice. If the situation in Madhesh worsens, India will be badly affected. The implications could be terrible. We do not want to invite Indian intervention but we do want a positive approach from India.


July 14 , 2007


‘WE WANT A FREE COUNTRY, NEITHER NEPAL NOR INDIA’

Jaikrishna Goit, head of the underground Janatantrik Tarai Mukti Morcha (JTMM-G), in conversation with Sankarshan Thakur

We cross the dusty border into India on a rickshaw at a location we are committed not to disclose. We are then led to a poky hotel, a stone’s throw from no-man’s-land where the leader of the main Madheshi insurgent group is holed up. The JTMM (Goit) strikes every other day somewhere in Madhesh and is high on the security’s hit list. You expect to see a raging warlord. Jaikrishna Goit is a bespectacled sexagenarian who wields history texts more often than he wields guns to justify his armed enterprise to liberate his land. The professorial revolutionary refused to be photographed but spoke at length on why he wants to secede from Nepal. Excerpts


‘We were annexed and gifted away. I want to correct that historic injustice done to the people of the Tarai’
Tehelka: Most Madheshi groups want autonomy and a stake in how Nepal is run. Why do you want liberation?

Jaikrishna Goit: Because I am another country. The Tarai was annexed by Nepal’s Pahadi rulers and then parts of it were ceded to them by the British through treaties. By the Indo-Nepal agreement of 1950, all earlier treaties stood abrogated. This is not merely in the treaty, but also a part of un documents. The Tarai should have become free then. Am I to blame if my forefathers were not vigilant or smart enough to claim back their land? Even India cannot argue against me. India signed the 1950 treaty with Nepal and it clearly states all previous treaties stand scrapped. It is simple, we are free, we should be free.

You think it’s so simple? Do you think a new country on these borders can become a reality? Will anyone accept that in this changed world?

Many countries are getting liberated, that is the changed world. And I am not seeking anyone’s acceptance, I want my country, whether anybody agrees or not. I know what you are talking about — whether Nepal will be ready, whether India will want it. The fact is I am neither Nepali nor Indian nor of Indian origin. History proves that, I have texts to establish that. I want people in Kathmandu also to make themselves aware of their real past. The people of the Tarai are a separate people, they should have their country. I may not be able to achieve that in my lifetime but that is not the point. The aspiration for liberation is there and the coming generations will get it. I belong to the Tarai, I know the only thing people want is freedom.

But you were long part of Nepali politics, you were first a communist, then you turned a Maoist, why this sudden thrust for liberation?

Because I am the most exploited and colonised person in Nepal, because I have no way of correcting that other than being completely free to determine my circumstances. Those who are negotiating autonomy are collaborators, they will never get that from the Pahadis, they will only get tokenism. That is not what we want.

How do you justify this daily bloodshed?

Even Gandhi said it is better to be violent than to be a coward. The enemies of my country have to be eliminated, there is no other way. Ram fought and killed Ravan. Krishna fought the Kauravas. Nepalis do not treat us as human beings. There is no other way of dealing with them.

Can you fight the Nepali state with arms?

Why not? Most of Nepal’s great struggles have been fought in the Tarai by the people of the Tarai. We know how to fight. The myth of Gorkha bravery is just a myth; whatever they know about battle, we taught them. Read history carefully and you will know. And we are not killing innocents, we target people.

Many of them are Tarai people, many of them are from other Madheshi groups. Some people say your struggle has degenerated into petty crime and reprisal.

The enemies of liberation have to be eliminated, no matter who they are. And those who call us criminals merely want to defame us. Do I look like a criminal to you? Don’t you see I have been pushed into a corner where I have no choice but to pick up the gun? Nobody calls the Maoists and the Young Communist League criminals. They are in government and continue to kill and commit all sorts of other crimes everyday.

Don’t you think the new Constituent Assembly might fulfil the aspirations of the Tarai people?

It will only renew the slavery of my people. Nepal has no right to conduct an election here and talk about a Constituent Assembly. We do not belong to them.

So there is no possibility you will talk?

No, I can. If they create the right atmosphere, I can go and tell them: pass legislation in parliament for an independent Tarai and we will live happily thereafter. That is all I have to say to those in Kathmandu. At the moment, there is no such atmosphere. The State and the Maoists are after us, we are running for our lives most of the time.

Do you have the strength to fight a sustained battle?

I am not saying I will achieve liberation tomorrow. We are in a movement, we are building cadres, opinion is turning towards us. An autonomous Tarai is a halfway house and you will not even get that. The only way is a complete break.

Is India protecting you?

I do not want to make any comment on that. All I can say is I am a freedom fighter and a guerrilla. And, legally speaking, India has to support the case that the Tarai was never a part of Nepal, it had only been annexed or gifted by imperial powers. That injustice has to be undone.


July 14 , 2007