Nepalese Americas Council Welcomes Maoist-Democrat Accord

To: NAC

I hope the NAC will similarly come forth condemning the regime's concerted attempts to thwart the mass rallies by the seven party coalition, especially the UML and the Nepali Congress, in different parts of the country. We have to condemn it in such a way that we tie this latest episode to the prior attacks on the media and the NGOs. These fascist tendencies have to be countered forcefully now, or they will learn to get worse.

Also I hope the NAC will play a role in fundraising at this end.

Fundraising Among Nepalis In The US: Pyramid Of 10

Political power has three components to it: money, message and organization.

The message is democracy, although I wish the seven parties offered a greater clarity on the agenda and the roadmap. The organizations are securely in place at both ends. Now let's work the money part. $100 is a small sum. 1000 individuals is a reasonable head count. And the organizational framework is not a pyramid really, it is a cloud. Everything stays transparent at all times. As a starter we build a pyramid of people who at this stage only pledge. We collect the money as per the demand of the movement down the line.

Some money is needed right away for this: Movement Taken To Online Video.

Press Release: NAC Welcomes 12-point Understanding (11/23/05)

Nepalese Americas Council P.O. Box 9883, San Bernardino, CA 92407 NAC since 1991 Press Release For More Information Contact: Dr. Jeetendra Joshee (jeetjoshee@yahoo.com) Phone: 909-792-0343 Wednesday, November 23, 2005 The Nepalese Americas Council (NAC) and its member organizations welcome the 12-point understanding reached between the Seven Parliamentary Party Alliance and the Communist Party of Nepal (CPN-Maoist) to resolve the 10-year old armed-conflict, and appreciate their commitment to establishing representative democracy in Nepal. It is a positive sign for peace, and restoration of democracy and human rights in Nepal. We commend all the involved parties for their pledge to reestablish democracy in Nepal and to bring the long overdue peace in the country. As stated in the letter of understanding, democracy, peace, prosperity, social development and a free and sovereign Nepal are the primary wishes of the Nepali people. Therefore, we urge all parties to remain true to their commitments in the letter and deliver results to the Nepali people who have suffered much. It is a universal fact that without democracy, peace, and security, prosperity will not be achieved. We also welcome the acknowledgement of past mistakes by Maoists and the political parties, and their vow to learn from them. Rebuilding trust will take time. But we sincerely hope that these reconciliation efforts progress to the point where a verifiable disarmament is overseen by a credible international agency. We strongly urge the King to utilize this opportunity and come to terms to restore democracy and foster a lasting peace in the country. We recommend that he invites the United Nations and other international agencies to facilitate the rapprochement between himself, the Maoists, the political parties and the people of Nepal. Should he ignore this opportunity, we foresee grave consequences to the democratic process. Meanwhile, the people of Nepal will continue to suffer, and the viability and utility of monarchy will be in question. We also appeal to the international community to pressure the King to immediately and unconditionally restore democracy. Now that the Maoists have agreed to lay down the arms for good, the King must act swiftly and yield to the voices of people. NAC believes that a negotiated political settlement through peaceful means is the only way out of the current crisis in Nepal, and to move towards full democracy in Nepal. We urge all political forces to assert leadership in bringing peace and security and establishing a multiparty democracy with the ultimate source of the power vested in the sovereign people of Nepal. NAC is a council of several Nepali organizations in North America established to create unity among people of Nepali origin for effective coordination, cooperation, and collaboration on common issues. NAC member and other community organizations/groups: Association of the Nepalis in the Americas (ANA) America Nepal Society (ANS), California Nepalese Association in South East America ( NASeA) Nepalese and Friends Association (NAFA) Kaligandaki Friendship Society (KFC), Washington, D.C. Nepali Youth Organization (NYO), Washington, D.C. Society of Ex-Budhanilkantha Students - North America Nepa Pasha Pucha Amerikaye (NPPA) America Nepal Friendship Society (ANFS), New York Nepal Cultural Society of B.C. (NCSBC) Association of the Nepalese in the Midwest America Nepal Seattle Society Florida Nepalese Association (FNA) Nepal Community Network of Canada (NCNC) Nepali Women's Network of North America NCNC( North Carolina) Nepalese Society of Texas ( Dallas) Greater Boston Nepali Community ( Boston) Nepali American Public Affairs Council (NAPAC) Nepal Concern Group-Canada Rocky Mountain Friends of Nepal (Denver) Association of Nepali Terain in America (ANTA) Liberal Democracy Nepal (LDN) Nepal Enterprise Forum Nepal Democracy Forum Indira Foundation Sincerely, Dr. Jeet Joshee President Nepalese Americas Council

Ways To Cut The Gordian Knot

'If then such praise the Macedonian got
For having rudely cut the Gordian Knot'
.....Waller ...to the King

Just take a look at it, it even looks like it symbolizes the triangular conflict in Nepal. There are three protrusions to the Gordian Knot.

Gordian Knot - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

What are the options? How could the House revival stance be ditched so the country can move forward?

(1) Girija sees the light. He finally comes around to seeing the folly of this stand. He changes his mind on his own. He has his moment. It comes to him in a flash.

(2) Girija is made to see the light in one on one conversations by the people around him.

(3) The Nepali Congress holds a meeting of its central committee. That meeting holds a comprehensive discussion on the issue and by majority vote decides to ditch the House revival stance. Girija has no choice to counter the decision, just like he had no choice not to ditch the constitutional monarchy reference during the Nepali Congress convention. The party decided against his will. He was forced to come around to it. The party could similarly force him on this issue as well. Otherwise the Nepali Congress has been shrinking on a daily basis. At the current rate it is going to end up the third or the fourth largest party in Nepal, behind the UML, the Maoists, and the Deuba Congress. The idiotic House revival stance is going to cost the party dear.

(4) The seven party alliance holds a meeting to revise its four point agenda, decide on a government in waiting, set up joint committees in all 75 districts, to chalk out the decisive joint protest program, and to chalk out a detailed action plan all the way to a new constitution for the country. Girija is outvoted on the issue, 6-1. And thus finally the four point agenda becomes a three point agenda. The meeting designates Girija Koirala the Supreme Commander and inspirational leader of the movement, Madhav Nepal the prime minister in waiting, and Ram Chandra Poudel the deputy prime minister in waiting. The other five parties are to get a berth each, and the three largest, the UML, the Koirala Congress, and the Deuba Congress, are to get an additional berth each.

(5) The Maoists initiate a dialogue with Tulsi Giri. The Maoists and the Monarchists agree to hold talks, and they subsequently decide to invite the seven parties to the same. Thus takes shape the roundtable conference. The king is made to remind his promise right after 2/1 that he is willing to go for a constituent assembly. All three forces decide on an interim government. The House issue just never comes up in the discussions. Under UN supervision part of the Maoist army is integrated into the state army, the rest are rehabilitated. The US and the EU come up with a $5 million package to retrain most of the Maoist fighters so they can enter the private sector of the economy. With only one standing army left, the country goes towards a constituent assembly.

(6) The same as (5) except that the king bargains that a ceremonial monarchy should be guaranteed, and the constituent assembly may decide on the rest of the issues.

(7) The Nepali Congress gets kicked out of the seven party coalition which becomes a six party coalition. It adopts a three point agenda. A concrete action plan is chalked out. The Nepali Congress cadres join the movement in large numbers. The Nepali Congress leadership gets isolated. The party becomes extinct. The Deuba Congress and the Sadbhavana absorb most of the cadres of the Koirala Congress.

Democratic Unity Needed
40 Reasons Why The Three Forces Should Come Ar0und To My Proposed Constitution
Revive House, Lay Down Arms, Put Up With Me: Girija
Dinesh Wagle, 7 Leaders, 27 Questions
Roadmap
Newton, Apples, And Girija's House Revival Idea
Moriarty's Irresponsible Mainstream
Pyramid Of 10 In Kathmandu
Teen Sutriya Agenda
Maoist, Moriarty, Madhav, Manmohan: Get Behind The 3 Point Program
A Plant Looking At An Animal
3 Scenarios
Gameplan
House Revival Stance Preventing Progress
Dean 2008, China, Pakistan, Russia, North Korea, Cuba And Nepal
The Army Rank And File Need To Be For The People And Democracy
Girija's House Revival Fantassy
October 2, 2002
Timi Sadak Ma Utreko Dekheko Chhu
Militarists, Maoists, Monotones, Dorambaites, Naxalites
Militarists Attempting A Doramba Repeat To End Ceasefire
The Foreign Powers Need To Come Clean On The Constituent Assembly Question
Madhav Nepal, Commander Of The Movement
What's Going On In Nepal
For The First Time In A Decade, Permanent Peace Feels Possible
Ahobhagya Shaubhagya: Confusion InThe Monarchist Camp

Is The King For A Constituent Assembly?

I think yes, because he said as much right after 2/1.

But people like Tanka Dhakal and Satchit B.S. Shamsher Rana (This Movement Also Against Rana Rule: Satchit Is So Much B.S.) and others in that little clique will tell you otherwise. It is because as soon as this regime comes down, these people are history. They lose their berths in the cabinet, they get kicked out of the ministerial residences, they no longer get invitations to talk programs where they are used to waxing eloquent, they disappear from the limelight permanently.

They know that.

So of course these minions would want to prolong the current regime for as long as possible.

I am not saying the king is above the fray. He is the architect of 2/1, and the leader of the current regime. But tactically speaking you have to draw a distinction between the king and his minions.

Girija's crime is to think House revival should be the meeting point for the three forces.

The solution is that the constituent assembly is the meeting point.

If the king were not for a constituent assembly, I would not see why the Maoists would want to talk to Tulsi Giri. But because the king is for such an assembly, it makes no sense for the Maoists to not initiate dialogue with Giri. You asked for a roundtable conference, now take it.

Democratic Unity Needed

Seven Party Committee At Center And In Districts, Need Of The Hour

The UML tries to organize a protest rally in Butwal, the regime tries to foil it. The Nepali Congress tries to organize one in Morang, the local administration prevents it. The UML is working to organize a rally in Pokhara, the administration is working to foil it.

The two big parties are still not one. They are going their own separate ways. There is a lack of unity. That prevents the collapse of the current regime.

The concept of a common minimum program has not been applied.

Girija Koirala wants the king to use Article 127 to revive the dead horse of the 1999 House. Madhav Nepal is opposed to the idea of reviving the House using Article 127. The king does not have the technical option to revive the House using Article 127. That right there is the Gordian Knot of Nepali politics. All problems the country faces right now emanate from this knot.

Gordian Knot - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

And so the seven parties do not really have a common agenda. And so there is not only no unity, there is no common action plan. This is not the time to compete. That time will come later. That time will come after the Maoists have disarmed and joined the interim government. Then the parties go their separate ways and compete. But right now is exactly the wrong time to be competing.

The parties have a common enemy, but not a common program. There is no common action plan.

The seven parties should first build a common agenda. They already have a four point agenda that they chalked out but do not agree on. All they have to do is revise it, and turn it into a three point agenda.

Then they form a seven person committee at the center, and a seven person committee in all districts where all seven parties have a presence. In some districts you will have only four, or five or six person committtees, because not all of the seven parties are present in all 75 districts, and that is okay. But this show of unity is crucial.

This movement is being waged for both the Nepali people and for the global audience. Democratic unity has to be exhibited.

But instead, there is no common agenda, and the UML and the Nepali Congress are organizing their separate programs. It is better than nothing, but it is not the best option, especially when the regime has been actively trying to thwart the attempts. These are not normal times. You are much safer and more productive if united.

Democratic unity is not an easy thing to forge. Democrats by definition like to speak their minds, and stake out their positions. And it is okay to differ. But that is where the concept of a common minimum program comes to good use. You start with things you do agree on. And then you slowly expand that base.

And the endgame has not been given much thought.

Say you organize a rally like in Butwal in every town, also in the capital city. Then what? You still are out of power. The king gets to brag to the world he allows protest rallies. And he is still securely in place. What is the gain for us?

This king will not respond to a protest rally here, a protest rally there. You will have to imitate what happened in Ukraine in 2004. You take over one open public space, and you stay there until the regime collapses, day in, day out.

And that is still not the complete endgame. There will have to be a second step.

Say 300,000 people take over New Road and the vicinity for three weeks, and Nepal hits the world headlines, and there is this major pressure on the king, and he relents. Then what? I think he is going to say, okay, I will use Article 127 and an all party government can be formed. Will the parties go for it? That decision has to be made now. You can not postpone this topic for later. It is for things like these that you need a permanent seven person committee of the seven parties. Perhaps there should be a mandatory weekly meeting of that permanent committee.

What is another option? I guess the parties could argue for an interim government. They could say, forget Article 127. Let's instead make a political decision to form an interim government. That would be a valid thing to say. But if that is what will be said, that has to be decided now, or the king will be in a position to play one against the other, like he did last time.

The Krishna Prasad Bhattarai government of 1990 was not formed within the Panchayat constitution. Maybe we are at a similar juncture now.

There is a third option. You also invite the Maoists into the picture. There is a roundtable conference of the three forces. An interim government gets formed that puts my Proposed Constitution to a referendum.

40 Reasons Why The Three Forces Should Come Ar0und To My Proposed Constitution

All three options are good, in my viewpoint. It is for the seven parties to decide which they want to go for. I personally think the third option is the best. It saves a lot of time and energy and money. But it is for the three forces to decide what they want, what they can agree on.

But the key point is the endgame has to be thought through.

There are many solutions. There are many options. But the departure point to all is to ditch the unnatural House revival stance. Unless you do that, nothing else happens. Things only get worse.

Look at this scenario. Girija does not let go the House revival stance. The UML and the Congress hold separate rallies, big ones, one a week, in different parts of the country, all through December and January. The king does not budge. It is already February. The Maoists make an active attempt to disrupt the February 8 polls. There are serial bomb blasts in most towns the night of February 7. There are few fatalities, but the population is scared.

Is that what the seven parties want?

Another option is, Girija lets go the House revival stand. The seven parties agree on a three point program. They imitate Ukraine. There are 300,000 people who take over New Road for three weeks. Nepal hits the world headlines. The king relents. An all party government is formed. There are peace talks with the Maoists. The Maoist army gets partially integrated into the state army. The Maoists join the government. The country goes to a constituent assembly.

Which of the two options will the seven parties go for?

The key is to understand the departure point is to let go the House revival stand.

I mean, am I missing something here? If I am, those who disagree should make their case. Why? How?

This Movement Also Against Rana Rule: Satchit Is So Much B.S.

Kamal Thapa: “The agreement between the Maoists and the political parties will rather complicate the peace process while the issue of disarming the Maoists and the army under the supervision of the United Nations at the time of constituent assembly is a laughing matter.”

“The leaders who have been head of the government have failed to realise the difference between the Maoist’s army and the Royal Nepalese Army and this only reflects the level of their ideological bankruptcy.”

“This unnatural coalition between the seven parties and the Maoists will spur more anarchy, conflict and bloodshed.”

Satchit Shamsher Rana: “The political parties have formed an unnatural coalition with the Maoists under the guidance of the foreigners.”


And you thought the Rana rule was over, Jung Bahadur is no longer on the scene.

Democracy is every Nepali's birthright. And those who conspire against democracy ought to be tried for treason. Satchit Shamsher conspired against the people in 1990, and he is doing so now These are crimes he is committing. You document their misdeeds, and you subject them to due process.

A military crackdown does not have to happen. Those who merely speak it, those who merely issue threats are guilty of treason and should be tried by the democratic government once it takes over power.

These people are beyond redemption.


NATIONAL 6 -(Spotlight Weekly)] May 2001 Though the mobilization of army to contain internal insurgency has been finalized, its implications are still subject to debate and discussion. "When police fails to control an insurgency, then the army is mobilized to suppress the rebellion. But in such a case the hands of the army should not tied and a state of emergency needs to be declared in the region," said Satchit Shumsher JB Rana, former chief of army staff at the Royal Nepalese Army. "It would be much easier for the army to accomplish its job if the parliament and police support its actions." .... According to Rana, in Nepal, the army is much more powerful than the (Maoist) rebels. So, if there is any assault against it, it will retaliate. In such a case, the number of casualties could be much higher. In such a case, if the armed conflict gets on protracted as professed by the rebels, the country could fall into the trap of a civil war, warn experts.
Local News [The Kathmandu Post (Nepal)] September 2003 Leader of the CPN (unity centre) Chitra Bahadur KC, former judge Krishna Jung Rayamajhi, former Chief of the Army Staff, Satchit Shumsher JB Rana, Man Mohan Bhattarai of the Nepali Congress (Democratic), CPN-ML general secretary CP Mainali and other speakers called upon the Maoists to stop the serial murders and seek a solution through dialogue.
The Rising Nepal 2005
Nepali Times | Issue 135 | From the Nepali Press 2003 There must be give and take for the ceasefire to become lasting peace. His Majesty’s Government and the Maoists can’t lead the talks to a logical conclusion by themselves. Political parties, social and human rights organisations should all be taken on board. It is very sad to see major political parties talking contradictorily regarding the peace talks....... The strength of Bangladesh’s army is nearly 125,000 while its area is roughly equal to ours. Sri Lanka now has an army of 150,000. The number of soldiers in Nepal is only around 50,000. Given our geographical conditions, Nepal needs to raise the strength of its army to around 125,000. In that situation, problems like the Maoist insurgency can be prevented from happening again. A nation’s security is as essential as education, health and development. ...... It’s our good fortune the army was not politicised and has His Majesty as the supreme commander. Otherwise, its fate would have been similar to that of the bureaucracy, police and intelligence sectors. If the army had been politicised, the Maoists would be ruling the country today. ..... The king has kept the army in order. If it is controlled by the parliament, the army can’t serve the nation properly. There should be a unitary command and the army must remain under the head of the state.
Nepali Times | Issue 134 | Nation | Peace now, talks later 2003 “The Maoists seem quite serious about a peaceful resolution this time, while the government looks utterly confused,” concludes Bhogendra Sharma, who was one of the rights activists who met the Mahara-Sharma duo on Tuesday. Sources say a high-level team comprising former chief secretary Karna Dhoj Adhikari, former chiefs of the Royal Nepali Army Satchit Shumsher J B Rana and Dharmapal Barsingh Thapa, and former police chief and RPP leader Dhruba Bahadur Pradhan, have been put into place to devise the government’s peace strategy.
MS Nepal - Maoist Insurgency Said Satchit Shumsher JB Rana, former chief of the Royal Nepalese Army, "Unlike a regular army, terrorists do not fight from a single fixed position. If they continue to keep their supply lines open, the war could stretch."

In The News

This is unholy tie: Analysts Gorkhapatra, Nepal
Parties-Maoist agreement unnatural: Satchit Nepali Times
King mulling yet another autocratic move: Nepal Nepali Times
A cartoon tells it all (Nepalnews commentary) Nepali Times, Nepal
‘Dialogue initiative with Maoists legitimate’ Kathmandu Post, Nepal
Parties-Maoist agreement unnatural: Satchit NepalNews

King mulling yet another autocratic move: Nepal NepalNews
Govt will first study parties-Maoist agreement: Vice-chairman Bista
Annan welcomes Alliance-Maoist accord
Government attempting to foil mass meeting: UML
Efforts for restoration of peace positive: FM Pandey
India cautiously welcomes Party-Maoist agreement

Nepal Democracy Google Group Does Not Believe In Free Speech

http://groups.google.com/group/nepaldemocracy

"Goebbels was in favor of free speech for views he liked. So was Stalin. If you're in favor of free speech, then you're in favor of freedom of speech precisely for views you despise. Otherwise, you're not in favor of free speech." Noam Chomsky, Manufacturing Consent: Noam Chomsky and the Media (1992).

First I got an invitation, so I joined. Then I started posting. I posted a lot. At one point I was the top poster for the month. I mean, I was active.

A few days back I learned I have been kicked out of the group. I applied again for membership. So far I have not heard from the moderator. I don't know who the moderator is. So far it appears to be a faceless entity.

I emailed a few people I knew who are with the group. They said they will bring it up with the moderator. Looks like there have been a few phone calls. A few emails. A few discussions.

The first thing that was brought up was etiquette.

Then the second thing that was brought up was national unity. These guys are funny. They feel the few things I have to say at some little Google group might be a threat to the national unity in Nepal. You got to take a second look at these guys.

Then there is offense being taken at the use of the term Pahadi chauvinism. These thin-skinned overeducated Bahuns are really upto something, it looks like.

People who pretend not to know the difference between the words "madisey" and Madhesi talk of national unity.

"I can't work with you."

These people obviously have no inkling of free speech. The group calls itself Nepal Democracy. Free speech is the fundamental tenet of democracy. That is why the king's media ordinance is offensive.

So far I have been trying to get one of the members to start a protest thread at the group's site. I am not sure it has happened as yet. So far the people have been too busy hobnobbing with whoever the moderator is.

Free speech is not a matter of convenience. You can not stand for it only when you hear pleasant things. These Bahuns can not stomach a legitimate discussion on social justice issues. That is what is happening.

They come to America, but live in their mini Nepals. Got to open your minds a little.

I prefer open discussions. That feels democratic. This group is closed. It is about a hundred individuals, of which maybe a half dozen write with any regularity. It is but a mailing list.

I prefer to do my work through this blog right here. I don't really miss the group, but this is a serious free speech issue.

Free speech can not be defined. You do not have to follow no etiquette. You don't have to be socially correct. By whose standards? You don't have to say things that make some closed minded Bahuns feel like they are actually open minded when they obviously are not.

Agreeing and disagreeing comes second.

There is a school of thought called democracy first, then social justice. I am not part of it. It is because there is another school of thought called peace first, then democracy. I am not part of that either. And they are in power right now.

Peace, democracy and social justice go together.

I am not someone ranting and raving. I have offered creative solutions.

Old prejudiced bonds have to be broken. New progressive bonds have to be formed. And that process can be smooth. You make it smooth through an open and respectful dialogue.

Check this out: The Spectrum/Dialogue Concept Is Key To Power.

If we at this end can not take the lead, what hopes at the other end?

Snuffing out dialogue on the social justice issue is exactly the wrong thing to do. Dialogue is what is needed. We have to initiate dialogue where none might exist. That is the way to go.

A constituent assembly will be a lot of dialogue. We have to facilitate that dialogue. If we can not do it here at some little Google group, what hopes at the other end in Nepal where the group situation is much more volatile, so volatile it is actually a civil war situation.

Social progress is beneficial for both the oppressor and the oppressed. Both groups benefit. Less sexism is good for both men and women, not just for women. Segregation was unhealthy for both blacks and whites in America.

This is the time for the Nepalis in America to be moving onto the next step, to go beyond moral support to actually helping with logistics. This is the time to be engaging in some massive fund-raising. This is not the time to get tripped by some modest talk on social justice.

I need to be reinstated at the Google group. I need to be talking again there.

I think all of us need to be taking a look at this Proposed Constitution and providing feedback. There is this tendency among Bahuns to somehow revive the 1990 constitution. That path is disaster. Make up your mind. That phase of history is over. Now we need to move to the next phase. There is no going back. There is only going forward.

Those who will not fight for my free speech do not have any right to protest the king's media ordinance. That is what it boils down to. No free speech is akin to no democracy. Free speech is that fundamental.

American Civil Liberties Union - Free Speech
Free Speech Radio News/Pacifica Reporters Against Censorship
ACLU: Internet Free Speech
FREEWAYBLOGGER.com - Free Speech: Use It or Lose It
Freedom of speech - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia

In The News

Nepal's Government Condemns Opposition's Agreement With Rebels Bloomberg
Wait & watch MEA stand on Nepal Maoists Indian Express, India
Nepal govt reviews rebels-Opp pact The Statesman, India
Nepal's 'tyrant' king isolated by Maoist deal Telegraph.co.uk, United Kingdom

40 Reasons Why The Three Forces Should Come Around To My Proposed Constitution

Proposed Constitution

1. It is a synthesis of what the three forces want. The king wants to preserve the monarchy, the parties want multi-party democracy, the Maoists emphasize classlessness. When you mix the three primary colors - blue, gree and red - you get white. My document is white.
   
2. Article 5 has two versions, a republican version, and one where the king exists. It is for the three forces to decide which version they want.
   
3. Even when the king exists, the army is under the parliament, and all state expenditures on the monarchy are offset through tourist revenue generated by the monarchy. You end up with a monarchy that is revenue neutral without it losing its traditional money from the state.
   
4. Even though the monarchy is strictly ceremonial, the king gets to give the most important speech of the year.
   
5. Even though it is the king giving that speech, it is written by the popularly elected Prime Minister.
   
6. This would be the shortest constitution on the planet and a role model.
   
7. This would turn Nepal into the number one democracy on the planet. America would be the oldest, India the largest, and Nepal the number one.
   
8. China does not like the American or the Indian version of democracy, but it might come around to this Nepali version.
   
9. India might also come under pressure to adopt it in bits and pieces.
   
10. India and China as robust democracies would see the dawn of the Asian Century. Nepal would be at the center of it all.
    
11. American progressives would want it.
    
12. This would become the first constitution to integrate the internet into it. That would make it technologically cutting edge.
    
13. The 1990 constitution is dead. The country needs a new constitution.
    
14. This document would save a lot of time and money. If the three forces could come around to accepting it, then the country would not even have to go through a constituent assembly. The three forces would instead form an interim government that would hold a referendum to get this constitution accepted by the people. Once it gets accepted, the country instead holds elections to a new parliament. As a second step, the state and local elections could be held.
    
15. This constitution would be socially the most progressive on the planet because it is fundamentally scientific. It starts with the basic one person, one vote, one voice postulate, and takes it to its logical conclusion all the way to the top.
    
16. It provides for four layers of government.
    
17. It solves the social justice issues of the Dalit-Madhesi-Janajati-Mahila without even naming them because the structure is so scientific and sound.
    
18. It provides for a federalism that is not divisive at all, and one that makes room for the fact that people from different backgrounds will move all over the country. You end up with Madhesis in Dolpa, Sherpas in Birgunj. It is a citizen's right to move if they want to.
    
19. The three states idea is also geographically scientific. You hug the three major river basins.
    
20. The total, transparent democracy idea is cutting edge. It does not exist anywhere else on the planet.
    
21. It is not true there is not enough internet penetration among the Nepali population to make it worthwhile the internet provisions in the constitution. The media has near total internet access. The transparency through the internet idea is designed for the media as a first step without marginalizing the people who will still have unfiltered, direct access. The MPs do not have to familiarize themselves with the internet. The parliamentary ministry takes care of all the translation work and technology.
    
22. This document will take care of corruption like no other constitution on the planet. Corruption will become history, a relic you read about in the history books.
    
23. Because this document will turn Nepal into the most vibrant democracy on the planet, second to none, it will make possible for Nepal to have double digit economic growth rates, year in, year out, for 30 years, regardless of which party comes in and out of power.
    
24. Once you put in place a sound system like this constitution is, individual actors will have no choice but to perform their very best. And the best among them will naturally float to the top. There will be little or no room for foul play.
    
25. People with leadership qualities regardless of what socio-economic bracket they were born into will have the option to rise to the top.
    
26. Nepal has been a net importer of political ideas in its entire history, be it Marxism, or democracy, or socialism, or capitalism. Through this constitution it will become a net exporter for the first time. That will be something to be proud of.
    
27. The most cutting edge constitution will also be the simplest, also the shortest.
    
28. The best cure to chronic poverty is enshrined in this constitution. It is a combination of education, health, micro credit and political empowerment.
    
29. Money is totally taken out of politics. Yet there is limitless space for the market to create wealth. The private sector gets free reign.
    
30. This constitution guarantees internal democracy in the parties.
    
31. In keeping the army to 0.1% of the national population, Nepal will become a role model for all poor countries that spend more on defense than they should.
    
32. Nepal will become the model democracy that all countries in the Global South could emulate.
    
33. Once there were such a total spread of democracy, the Global South could then organize to take their just place at the global level. Racism could be ended. The UN could be reorganized. Trade talks can be forced to become fair.
    
34. Nepalis all over the world could actively participate in the democracy inside Nepal. They could follow all national debates in real time online and contribute to the same. The best Nepali brains worldwide could contribute regardless of where they might be in body.
    
35. The three capitals - Udaypur, Chitwan, Surkhet - could emerge the three major urban centers in the country, bathed in wireless broadband, with a lot of space to expand. They could together end up housing half the country in the long run in a healthy way. Those three cities could compete with any city on the planet at all levels. They could become the three Shanghais.
    
36. The three language policy is right. And the translation and internet options make it very practical. There are few hassles created.
    
37. The tri-lingual education policy is the best that could be designed for a linguistically diverse country like Nepal. It will make sure all languages get a lot of resources poured into them by both the public and the private sectors. But it is also pragmatic. It only applies upto Class 10. Beyond that the market forces decide. You could end up with colleges and universities that are totally English, Hindi or Nepali medium. What language is in vogue changes over time. Chinese could gain major currency in a few short decades. You never know. Through my policy, you preserve what you have for cultural reasons, but you go with the global flow for commerical reasons. You do both.
    
38. Because the three states are roughly identical, they provide each other with healthy competition in every way.
    
39. Due to a sound federalism, Nepal could for the first time in history end up with an activist foreign policy with a potential global reach. Without federalism the one government in the country is too internally preoccupied.
    
40. The constitution does not specify the structure of the district government. It leaves it to the states. In one state you could end up with a district chief getting directly elected. In another could be indirect. And there could be other differences. That will provide for healthy policy competition among the states. You get to experiment and decide what works best.
    

Fast Developments

If you want to really get a feel for the pulse in Kathmandu, you have to access the Nepali language media. The English language media only gives you the basic facts and the outlines. The Nepali language media goes deeper. It gives you the missing details, the rumor, the gossip. They really fill in the picture.

The Maoist-Democrat agreement is a major development. (Prachanda Statement) And things are moving fast. Positive things could happen.

Deshantar reports that the Maoists are also in touch with Tulsi Giri and Kirti Nidhi Bishta. I commend them for that. The first item on their agenda has been a roundtable conference. So their talking to the democrats and the palace is like taking initiative for a roundtable conference. It is already happening. The same article reports the regime might consider reciprocating the ceasefire a few days before it expires on December 3. That would be a really good move. If the regime were to do such a thing, they will earn some credibility. Heck, if the three forces could come around to a roundtable conference, then we might not even need a mass movement. We could go straight off to the interim government.

Such a move would be brilliant on the part of the two extremes. A roundtable conference initiated by the Maoists and the king's men might be the best antidote to Girija's idiotic House revival stand. Such a confluence might be our best hope. Otherwise Girija has hijacked an entire country. He has paralyzed the entire system.

This is yet another instance of the Maoists taking an initiative that the seven parties will not. They decided they want to talk to Giri. They must hate Giri's guts, ideologically speaking, but they are going to talk to him, because they have business to take care of. That's the spirit. That is why I feel the Maoists are going to do really well in electoral politics. These guys are smart. They are agile. They move. They don't just sit there and watch. They are capable of pragmatism.

Daman Nath Dhungana has said a constituent assembly is the only thing that can save the monarchy. The Nepali Congress is nowhere close to becoming a republican party. And that is their democratic right. Does not bother me none.

Looks like the king's around the world in 21 days tour will cost the country 20 crores. What a waste. He spent 5 crores on his Jakarta trip. He was going to spend 10 crores for the UN trip. From the state budget, an average Nepali gets Rs. 3200. The king gets 35 crores. A crore is 10 million.

Gagan Thapa predictably wants an end to the monarchy. He is articulating the sentiment of the 95% of the college students who voted that way.

And there is this revealing Sushil Koirala interview. He says the Maoists should be brought into the mainstream through the parliament. These guys are nuts. These nutcases want to revive the House, amend the constitution and preserve it. The 1990 constitution is fundamentally flawed, it stinks. That the army is not under the parliament is only a small part of the problem of the 1990 constitution. That document is dead. It is over. Get over it, folks.

What Sushil Koirala is saying is the Congress is willing to go up to the point of a constituent assembly. As in, we are willing, but we might not, if we can prove the exercise unnecessary.

These guys are nuts.

Girija Koirala is not capable of basic political conversation. He can not listen to logic. He listens to violence and autocratic moves. At 2,000 deaths, he was not for a constituent assembly. But after 12,000 deaths, and a coup, he has been paying lip service to the idea. He is still not behind the idea. To him paying lip service to the idea of a constituent assembly is just another way to fulfill his real agenda, which is to revive the House. That is it. What does he want? 20,000 deaths before he will finally drop the 1990 constitution and honestly come around to the idea of a constituent assembly? Is that what it will take? This guy is irresponsible. It is people like him who make political violence possible.

Girija Koirala symbolizes everything that was wrong with the 1990s. And a lot was wrong.

Drishti has this article on the Delhi talks. Moriarty has welcomed the Delhi talks, the article claims. Moriarty had expressed displeasure at the Rolpa talks.

KP Oli talks about his India visit.

Major preparations are being made in Pokhara, Janakpur and Kathmandu. This is the UML encouraged by the good show in Butawal. These UML folks, they are really good at organization. They can get the people out. Grassroots activists in America would envy them. It is not easy to get people to come out.

After the country gets its new constitution, I think you are going to see a majority government of the UML. I see the signs.

Jhala Nath Khanal will be speaking in Janakpur. That is cool. I got to meet him in New York City. "I have been seeing you in the media a long time. Such a pleasure to finally get to meet you," I told him then. (Seven Party Forum In Jackson Heights) (Jhala Nath Khanal, video clip)

The UML plans on going into every home in the Kathmandu valley. That's the spirit. These people mean business.

There is this article about the massive rally in Butwal. I sent Madhav Nepal a congratulatory email. The UML is forging ahead unlike the Nepali Congress. It is because it is not hung up on the 1999 House. That is the key reason. If the Nepali people themselves are not interested in any House revival, why should the parties insist on it, right?

The regime tried its very best to disrupt the Butwal rally, to no avail.

The UML is filling the vacuum created by the insurgency. Some of that could go to the Maoists if they were to make a quick peace possible. Initiating dialogue with Tulsi Giri to make possible a roundtable conference might be a very smart move, if it be true.

Butwal headcount: 100,000 people.

I am so impressed with the UML right now. I think it is simply amazing what they are doing right now. Cheesy stuff.

The parties are also getting rewarded for taking the initiative to talk to the Maoists. Dialogue is paying dividends.

The Nepali Congress is gearing to hold rallies in 10 districts.

Looks like the two big parties are not too interested in taking their five junior partners with them. Either they are confident they can pull it on their own, or they are making a mistake. In 1990 those two forces offered joint programs. This time around they are going their separate ways. I think that shows there really is no common minimum program.

The Nepali Congress is for House revival. The UML is against the idea. That is the reality. There is no agreement.

Just like there is a seven person committee of the seven parties at the center - or is there - there should be one in each district. That would make sure the movement has a quick resolution.

Right now not enough thought is being given to the endgame.

Ram Chandra Poudel suggests Girija Koirala is not working in full capacity due to his age and health. He is an inspiration, but nature is taking its course, he says. We need to change before we can change society, he says. That shows the Congress is no longer in the lead. It is the UML in the lead.

The Maoists and the parties disagreed on two important points, this article claims. This confirms my suspicion from yesterday. Those two points are, House revival, and disarming.

You can not freaking revive a House that does not even exist.

The two forces should engage in a second round of talks.

All three forces should talk to each other non-stop. That is what.

The Maoists are gearing to organize a party convention, the first after 15 years. That is very good news. They are going to further deepen their commitment to the multi-party framework through it. Moriarty should be happy.

I think the UML and the Maoists might emerge among the two largest parties in the country after the country has a new constitution.

Looks like most of the top Maoists are still overwhelmingly Bahun.

Girija thinks Prachanda has tired.

Koirala remains a Monarchist. "Koirala is told to have sensed this conspiracy and hence he while meeting the Maoists leaders tried his best to inject the grave consequences that would come up in the absence of monarchy in the country."

The sky will fall.

A Left Front in the works? Koirala perhaps deserves it.

In The News

Foreigners’ behind the party-Maoist understanding: Dhakal NepalNews
SC stays implementation of NGO code of conduct
Locals surround DAO demanding peace talks
To kill people is wrong: Maoist commander
Local administration bars NC assembly in Morang
SC cannot test King’s action: AG Ojha
Nepal Political Parties, Maoists Agree to Work Toward Democracy Voice of America
Maoist deal isolates Nepal's king The Age (subscription)
Nepal rebel deal presses king to restore democracy Reuters AlertNet
Nepal's opposition parties, rebels unite Science Daily (press release)
Nepal Maoists' commitment to truce remains to be seen: India Outlook (subscription), India
Purely military solution no answer to Nepal's problems: India Webindia123
Israel's technology to modernize farm system of Nepal Xinhua, China
Israeli expertise modernizing Nepal's farming system Israel 21C, CA
Delhi Talks And Trappings Gorkhapatra, Nepal
International brief ~ Nepal Supreme Court suspends NGO law JURIST
Bihar: Naxals capture state within state Central Chronicle, India

Revive House, Lay Down Arms, Put Up With Me: Girija

Prachanda Statement
Dinesh Wagle, 7 Leaders, 27 Questions

To the king Girija says, revive the House.

To the Maoists he says, lay down your arms.

To the democrats he says, put up with me.

I don't know what the rejoicing is about the 12 point agreement between the parties and the Maoists. I see it as a document where Prachanda and Baburam slapped the seven parties for their not letting go the House revival stand.

What is Girija's motive? Why does he insist on House revival when it is so obvious it can not be revived? It can not be an all party government, because you do not need a revived House to form an all party government. So why does he insist on House revival?

It is because mentally he just can not let go of the 1990 constitution. That's why. He might have come around to the constituent assembly idea owing to the circumstances, but he still is stuck on the 1990 document. Secretly he hopes if the House is revived, he will somehow manage to save the 1990 constitution. And people see that secret desire. And that leads to an erosion of trust with the players who have to be dealt with to make peace possible.

The House will not be revived. But if it were to be magically revived, what could happen? What options would open up for Girija?

He could command the seven parties to make major amendments to the constitution. He could bring the army under the parliament, for one. And the global powers might go back to the pre 2/1 mood, which was to support the state army in its fight against the Maoist army.

All that will not happen, because the House will not be revived. But the fact that you insist on it sends some very wrong signals to the Maoists. You are telling them you are still not sure about the constituent assembly idea. That is not the signal you want to send.

Girija is not the one to stick to agreements. Here are a few examples.

In the 1990s, after his party lost its majority in the House, he crisscrossed the country to regain it, and promised Krishna Prasad Bhattarai would be Prime Minister, not him. But he ousted Bhattarai not long after the goal was achieved.

During the agitations when Surya Bahadur Thapa was last Prime Minister, the five parties had put forth Madhav Nepal as the consensus choice for Prime Minister. But when it finally came down to crunch time, Girija backstabbed, to the point the agitation got aborted.

This 12 point agreement with the Maoists is only the latest example. As soon as it came out, Girija went public saying it will only come into effect after the Maoists lay down their arms.

Voila! Three examples, the latest from only today.

Girija does not believe in the idea of agreements and contracts. At other times, it would have been between him and the people he dealt with, but these are not those times. The country is at the brink of disaster. Before 2/1 happened, it was widely believed the king could not possibly go that far. But then 2/1 happened. It is very possible for the country to see worse than it has so far. It is very possible. Things could go very, very wrong. Girija is playing with fire.

Girija's outright rejection of the 12 point agreement has to be studied. One, he did it on his own. It is not like he called a meeting of the central committee of the Nepali Congress and the party discussed. Nope. That is not Girija's style.

I am personally very dissatisfied with the document, but a summary rejection of the document is unwise because this is the first time the Maoists have formally accepted a multi-party framework. This is historic. As for the parts that are not satisfactory, that is what future rounds of talks are for. And if you are going to so summarily reject it, why did you enter into it in the first place?

But Girija does not bother himself with those nuances. He summarily rejects the whole thing.

This is a problem. This is a very serious problem.

The immediate, summary rejection also shows Girija acted like he was talking to the Maoists as a pressure tactics upon the king. Will you revive the House or shall I talk to the Maoists? That guy is banging his head against the wall. The seven parties have a legitimate movement option. The seven parties have a legitimate all party government option. The seven parties have a legitimate constituent assembly option. What they do not have is a House revival option. The sooner they come around to it, the better for the country.

You know what the Maoists' slap is? They are saying if you have problems with letting go the 1990 constitution, we also have problems with letting go the goal of a communist republic.

If you first get rid of the king, and then have two standing armies, and take the country to elections to a constituent assembly, that is a sure recipe for disaster, utter chaos. That is absolutely, totally not an option.

This is the Maoists backtracking. They had come to suggest they will disarm under UN supervision to make elections to a constituent assembly possible. And now the Maoists are backtracking. They are responding to Girija. That is their response to Girija's intransigence on the House thingie.

Girija's House revival idea takes the country to Cambodia. This is not a Nepali Congress thing no more. This is a country thing. This is a Nepal thing.

There is a face saving thing. Because Girija's name is so tied to the House revival idea, it is hard for him to suddenly backtrack. So you offer him face saving options. A smart politician could have seen plenty of wiggle room all along. But Girija is certain like a stopped clock. He does not seek wiggle room.

Face saving would be that he lets go the House revival idea to retain the formal leadership of the movement. That is face saving.

I think it is very important for the sake of democracy that the seven parties (1) let go the House revival stand, and (2) declare their government in waiting now. The lack of clarity is really hurting the cause.

And if they are not going to let go the House revival stand, they are going to have to make a public case for it, and then draw a roadmap to it. Why do you so badly want it? How do you hope to get it?

Revising a four point program and turning it into a three point program is easy. If Girija can not do it, he is highly disqualified to lead the all party government. That all party government will have a job much tougher than that of Krishna Prasad Bhattarai's government in 1990. It will have to walk a tight rope. Girija has autocratic tendencies. He is singularly incapable of buidling consensus. For the all party government you need a consensus builder.

I suggest this:

Ganeshman Singh of the movement: Girija Koirala.
Prime Minister in waiting: Madhav Nepal.
Deputy Prime Minister in waiting: Ram Chandra Poudel.

Madhav Nepal has many advantages. One, he leads the largest party in the country. Two, he actually facilitates the meetings of his party's central committee. Three, his age and health are a plus. Four, as a communist himself, he has a better feel for the Maoists. Five, he ditched the House revival idea a long time ago. Six, his party recently organized a huge rally in Butwal.

I do not personally dislike Girija. I respect his decades long struggle on behalf of the country. What I am saying I am saying for the sake of the country and the tough times it is in.

There is only one thing standing between the country and the peace it deserves, and that is Girija's House revival stand.

Let go, Girija.

Roadmap
Newton, Apples, And Girija's House Revival Idea
Teen Sutriya Agenda
Maoist, Moriarty, Madhav, Manmohan: Get Behind The 3 Point Program
House Revival Stance Preventing Progress
Girija's House Revival Fantassy
October 2, 2002
The Foreign Powers Need To Come Clean On The Constituent Assembly Question
Madhav Nepal, Commander Of The Movement
For The First Time In A Decade, Permanent Peace Feels Possible

Prachanda Statement

1. Today, the main desire of most Nepalis is to have democracy, peace, prosperity, social upliftment and an independent and sovereign Nepal. Toward that end, we fully agree that the main obstacle is an autocratic monarchy. Without an end to the autocratic monarchy and establishment of complete democracy we are clear that there will be no peace, progress and prosperity in the country. Therefore, we have reached an agreement that all forces against autocratic monarchy will step up their movement to end the autocratic monarchy and establish complete democracy.

2. The agitating seven political parties are fully committed to the plan to reinstate parliament whose decision will lead to the formation of an all-party government, hold talks with the Maoists and go for an election to a constituent assembly. They identify this as the way to end the present conflict and restore sovereignty to the people. The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has made the commitment to organise a national political convention of democratic forces. The meet should decide on the formation of an interim government and hold elections for a constituent assembly to achieve the agreed goal. The seven political parties and the CPN (Maoist) will engage in dialogue and explore a consensus on procedural matters. It has been agreed that People’s power is the only alternative to meet the goals.

3. The country wants a positive solution and a permanent peace. That is why we are committed to these goals and an end to the armed conflict through the end of autocratic monarchy, elections for the constituent assembly and the establishment of absolute democracy. The CPN (Maoist) expresses its commitment to move ahead in a peaceful new political current through this process. There has been an understanding on keeping the Maoists’ armed forces and the Royal Nepali Army under the supervision of the United Nations during the elections of the constituent assembly, conduct elections in free and fair manner, and accept the results of the elections—all these after an end of the autocratic monarchy. We also expect the involvement of reliable international interlocutors in our dialogue process.

4. The CPN (Maoist) makes public its commitment to clearly institutionalise the values of competitive multiparty system, civil and fundamental rights, human rights and the rule of the law.

5. The CPN (Maoist) has made the commitment to let the leaders, activists, and the people who were displaced during the armed conflict to be resettled in their homes. It has also committed that all land, houses and property seized unjustly will be returned. This will create an environment where people will be allowed to freely conduct their political activities.

6. Through self-criticism and self-evaluation of the past mistakes and shortcomings, the CPN (Maoist) is committed not to repeat those mistakes.

7. The seven political parties have realised they made mistakes when they were in parliament and in government and have committed that they will not repeat those mistakes.

8. Human rights and press freedom will be respected while moving the peace process ahead.

9. The talk of municipal elections and parliamentary polls is to trick the people and the international community and to legitimise the illegitimate and autocratic rule of the king. We will boycott these polls in our separate ways and urge the people to make such elections unsuccessful.

10. The people and their representative political parties are the real guards of nationalism. We are fully committed on the self-reliance, sovereignty, territorial integrity and national unity. It is our common duty to have friendly relations on the basis of the principle of peaceful co-existence with all the countries of the world, especially with our neighbours India and China. We urge all patriotic people to remain alert about Mandale nationalism that the king and the monarchists are preaching to the people. We also appeal to international powers to support the democratic movement against autocratic monarchy through all possible ways.

11. We urge civil society, professionals, people of all caste, communities and areas, the media, intellectuals and general Nepalis to actively participate in the people’s movement that will be conducted on the basis of our agreement that has democracy, peace, prosperity, progressive social change, freedom, sovereignty and integrity of the country as the cornerstone.

12. Past misbehaviour of the parties will be investigated, and action taken against those found guilty and the findings made public. Any problems arising will be sorted out at the concerned level or through discussion at the leadership level.

Some problems that I see:

(2) The seven parties are still insisting on House revival. The Maoists want to go straight to an interim government.

(3) Putting the state army and the Maoist army under UN supervision and then going to a constituent assembly: that is not an option. The Maoists either have to disarm under UN supervision. Or they have to be partly integrated into the state army. There has to be only one standing army in the country before the country can go into a constituent assembly. This point is a non-starter. This is no agreement.

BBC: "Former prime minister Girija Prasad Koirala said the deal would come into effect once the rebels gave up arms."

Apparently Girija has not been handed a copy of the agreement.

I have seen Maoist statements before where they have said they are willing to disarm before going into a constituent assembly. In this agreement they have backtracked. It is possible they are using that as a bargaining chip. If the seven parties will stick to the unreasonable idea of House revival, they are also going to talk a little unreasonable.

Looks like the overhyped meetings between the Maoists and the parties have not brought forth much that can be said to be new and groundbreaking.

(7) The parties say they are going to engage in self-criticism for the 12 years of half-baked democracy. I look forward to it. What do they think were the mistakes made?

Overall, I don't think this agreement is a major breakthrough. But it is better than nothing. I am glad finally they are talking.

One big missing link: the ceasefire, it has not even been mentioned. It ends on December 3. Will it be extended? The most important topic has not even been mentioned.

Prachanda, Extend The Ceasefire By Three Months

In The News

Parties, Maoists agree to end ‘autocratic monarchy’ to establish 'total democracy' NepalNews
Court issues show cause notice to the government
Alliance leaders discuss future strategies
His Majesty meets South African President
Seven killed in latest clashes
King losing international support: Upadhaya
Nepal's communist rebels, political parties agree to step up ... Hindu, India
Nepal's king faces new alliance BBC News
Nepal rebels say ready to lay down arms Reuters
Parties to join hands with Maoists to abolish monarchy ReliefWeb (press release), Switzerland
Maoists Also Confirm Understanding NewsLine Nepal, Nepal
India's key role in Nepal affairs BBC News, UK