Monday, March 20, 2006

Plan B


The seven party alliance should not repeat the mistake of January 20. The protests back then were designed thinking Gyanendra has the mentality of Birendra, and that just is not true. If this king had wanted dialougue, he would have gone for it a long time ago. He has to be ousted without him wanting to get ousted. How do you do that the non-violent way?

(1) Early Arrest Of Key Organizers

(2) Mass Arrests

(3) Tear Gas

(4) Curfew

(5) Military Crackdown

The only real answer to all these possibilities is to change gears. People like Kamal Thapa, Tulsi Giri and Shrish Rana have to know they are headed to jail. Sending them to jail has to be part of the roadmap. Otherwise you are betraying the people who you are inviting to come out into the streets and risk much.

If the regime is thinking in terms of these scenarios, we have to change gears. The movement has to become a revolution, a peaceful revolution. We have to organize to get hundreds of thousands of people to gherao the Narayanhiti. That encircling will culminate in this regime collapsing, and the 1999 House being reinstated not as a House within the 1990 constitution, but a revolutionary parliament whose first act is to declare the country a republic, whose second act is to declare an interim president, and whose third act is to arrest the villains of this regime.

Hardline has to be met with hardline. Non-violent ways can get hardline too.

संघीय गणतन्त्र
Republic Of Nepal Flag
भूपि शेरचन, गोपालप्रसाद रिमाल, प्रवर जिसी
Curfews Will Not Save The Crown
देशव्यापी पम्फलेटिङ
Verdict: Loss Of Crown, Property And Liberty For Gyanendra Shaha
Bamdev Gautam: January 20 On Schedule
प्रहार गरिहालौं
Tea, Coffee Or Soda?
लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र नै किन?

If we do not change gears, we are basically inviting this regime to try and disrupt our momentum with them not having to face the consequences of doing so.

We owe it to the people to change gears.

In The News

Nepal Prince's peccadillo Hindustan Times, India Paras, known more for his peccadilloes than princely virtues ..... 35-year-old heir to the throne ...... According to the state media .. the royal couple were invited to the European city by Austrian chancellor Wolfgang Schusel. ....... However, according to the local media, Schusel did not issue an invite....... The decision to gift the rhinos, an endangered species, has drawn fire from the Nepal Forum of Environmental Journalists ........ Besides Vienna, the team will also visit France and the UAE, whose governments have not issued any invitation to the prince known for his quick temper and company of friends who are as quick with their fists....... the finance ministry had allocated Nepali Rs 90 million in its budget for the current fiscal for high-level visits. But this money has all been used up....... Paras' joy ride is estimated to cost Nepal, one of the poorest countries in the world, Nepali Rs 60 million ......The trip has also disrupted the flights of the national carrier, the Royal Nepalese Airlines ..... Since it possesses only two Boeings, one of which has been pressed into the service of the royal entourage, the cash-strapped carrier had to postpone its Dubai flight to Sunday from Friday
Nepal's Crown Prince in another 'beastly' tale NewKerala.com
Nepal's Crown Prince in another 'beastly' tale DailyIndia.com Nepal lashed out at India for what it called 'abetting' terrorism and vowed to hold general elections by April 2007. .......despite the move sending out a strong signal that the rebels want to return to the political mainstream, King Gyanendra's royalist government has chosen to continue on its collision course, accusing India and the opposition of nurturing 'terrorism'. ...... Flaying the opposition for their 'mentality of nurturing terrorism' by 'collaborating with terrorists', Rana said: 'Democracy and the constitution can be activated only by establishing parliament through election.' ........ warning of further violence if 'shelter was provided to anti-social elements'. ........ a political committee formed within the cabinet, headed by senior deputy vice-chairman Tulsi Giri, held a meeting Sunday to discuss a mass protest planned by the opposition here April 8....... 'Government iron fist awaits rally' ......Nepal had a whiff of peace last year after an alliance of seven opposition parties signed a pact with the rebels, with whom they held secret talks in New Delhi. ...... Gyanendra's government however ignored the mounting call at home and abroad to start peace talks with the rebels during the truce and went ahead with controversial local elections that were called hollow by the international community.
Nepal 'blames' India for blockade withdrawal DailyIndia.com, NY
Nepal accuses India of encouraging terrorism(LEAD) DailyIndia.com
Nepal accuses India of encouraging terrorism Samudaya.org
Nepal accuses India of encouraging terrorism NewKerala.com
Nepal: Rights Commission Critical of Govt Policy on Surrender Nepal human Rights News, Nepal The National Human Rights Commission of Nepal has expressed dissatisfaction over a provision in a recently introduced policy on Surrender and Rehabilitation, which allows the Maoists to surrender at the NHRC premises...... Accordingly, the Maoist insurgents could surrender before regional/zonal/district administration offices, RNA bases/barracks, security bases of Nepal Police and Armed Police Force, temporary operation bases, mobile services of the government, Home/Defense Ministry as well as the NHRC.
‘NHRC is not surrender center' Kantipur Online


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Sunday, March 19, 2006

Way To Go



Deuba, Abused
This Movement Is About The Nepali People, Not Foreign Powers

I am so glad the seven party-Maoists talks did not go down the drain and instead got rescued.

Second Understanding between the Seven Party Alliance and Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

It is well known that the seven political parties and the Communist Part of Nepal (Maoists) fighting for the end of autocratic monarchy and establishment of full democracy had reached a 12-point understanding on November 22, 2005 for the establishment of democracy, peace, prosperity, progress and protection of national independence. The nationwide wave of people’s movement and, due to that, complete boycott of the municipal elections sponsored by the autocratic regime on February 8, 2006 has made it clear beyond doubt that this understanding has been approved by the general people of Nepal. Moreover, the international support expressed towards that understanding is indicative of the fact that this is the real foundation for the resolution of existing conflict in the country. In this situation, we reiterate our commitment for its implementation from all sides involved.

We remind ourselves here: “Seven Parties are fully committed to the fact that the reinstatement of parliament through people’s movement and establishment of all-party government, negotiation with the Maoists and election to a constituent assembly leading to the establishment of full democracy is the only way to resolve ongoing conflict and establishment of full popular sovereignty. Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) is committed that these objectives can be achieved by setting up of an all-party national political conference, and, through its decision, forming of an interim government for the election to a constituent assembly. The agitating seven political parties and the CPN Maoists have also reached an understanding to resolve this procedural difference through ongoing dialogues aimed at reaching a common understanding. They also accept the fact that people’s movement is the only way for achieving the common goal.” We appeal to all democratic political forces, civil society, professional groups, sister-organizations, people of oppressed nationalities and regions, media workers and general people to actively participate in the ongoing programs of peaceful movement aimed at establishing of full democracy with full popular sovereignty through the election to a constituent assembly.

Similarly, we also make a special appeal to the international community to lend their support in all ways possible to the efforts of political parties aimed at the ending of autocratic monarchy, establishment of democracy and resolution of the ten-year old armed conflict through forward-looking political way out.

March 19, 2006
Seven Parliamentary Political Parties + Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist)

There is nothing fundamentally new being said, but it would have been disastrous if nothing had been said. At least now we know the 12 point agreement is intact. A breakdown would have been a major blow to the movement.

19 March 2006

The United People’s Movement All Party Central Meeting held on March 19, 2006 at the Maharajgunj residence of Shri Girija Prasad Koirala has taken the following decisions:

1. The meeting has decided to make public the understanding reached between the seven political parties and the CPN Maoist. We are committed to move forward by further concretizing and clarifying the 12 point understanding reached in the past.

2. The struggle against autocarcy continues. In this regard, as declared on March 13, 2006, a national general strike and civil disobeidence will be called on 6-9 April 2006 with massive peaceful demonstration in Kathmandu will be organized. We sincerely appeal all professional groups, institutions, civil society and general people to actively participate in the programs.

3. Keeping in mind the problems faced by hundreds of thousands of SLC students and to ensure smooth functioning of the peaceful popular movement we call upon the Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) to immediately withdraw their programs of blockade, transportation strike, general strike and banda. We also call upon them to express their support to the united people’s movement called by the seven political parties.

Signed

Girija Prasad Koirala, President, Nepali Congress
Amrit Kumar Bohara, Acting General Secretary, CPN (Unified Marxist-Leninist)
Sher Bahadur Deuba, President, Nepali Congress-Democratic
Lila Mani Pokharel, Vice-president, People’s Front, Nepal
Narayan Man Bijukshe, President, Nepal Workers and Peasants Party
Rajendra Mahato, General Secretary, Nepal Sadhbhawana Party (AanandiDevi)
Nanda Kumar Prasai, President, United Left Front

I was so worried when I heard the talks had broken down. There might have been a temporary lapse, but it feels so good that things are back on track.

Kudos to all those who pitched in.

Chink In The Armor

So you want the House revived. Then you want to form an all party government. Then hold peace talks with the Maoists. And then go for a constituent assembly. And you want to do that by organizing a major mass meeting on April 8.

Say it works as planned. Noone gets arrested. People show up in the hundreds of thousands. The last speaker makes his speech. And people go home. Then what?

I don't see a House anywhere.

The king is not going to do it. And the only way the parties can do it is by getting a few hudred thousand people to surround the Narayanhiti. But noone is talking about it.

A rally here, a rally there is not going to budge this king. He is of a different fiber.

This movement has to turn into a revolution, a peaceful revolution, if it is to succeed.

In The News

Parties, Maoists Agree to Disagree UWB
Seven Party Decision INSN
SPA-Maoist Understanding INSN
Maoist rebels withdraw crippling highway blockade in Nepal Outlook (subscription), India
Maoists, parties reach fresh pact for anti-King movement Hindu, India
Nepal parties call anti-king strike in April Reuters AlertNet, UK
Nepal's political parties announces agreement with rebels Hindu, India
Key deal in Nepal hits roadblock Hindu, India

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लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनका केही यक्ष प्रश्नहरू

कवि गोपालप्रसाद रमिालले भनेझैँ 'एकचोटि' आउने 'एक दिन' यतिबेला नेपालमा नजिकिँदै गइरहेको छ । त्यो एक दिन भनेको दुई सय ३७ वर्षदेखि नेपाली जनताले बोक्दै आइरहेको सामन्ती राजतन्त्रको बोझ सदाका निम्ति बिसाएर लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रात्मक नेपालको स्थापना गर्ने युगान्तकारी दिन हो । लोकतन्त्रवादी राजनीतिक नेतृत्वले दूरदर्शितापूर्ण सुझबुझको प्रदर्शन गर्दा र ऐनमौकामा साहसिक निर्णय गर्न सक्दा त्यो 'एक दिन' कसैले सोचेको भन्दा निकै छिटो आउन सक्छ भने राजनीतिक नेतृत्वले अलिकति पनि खुट्टा कमाउँदा त्यो केही पर धकेलिन पनि सक्छ । ऐतिहासिक १२ बुँदे समझदारीअनुरूप संयुक्त लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको निर्माण गर्ने क्रममा यतिबेला माओवादी र संसद्वादी शक्तिबीच चलिरहेको वार्ता प्रसङ्गमा यो यक्ष प्रश्न निकै गम्भीर बनेर उपस्थित भएको छ ।

गत मङ्सिर ७ गते माओवादी-संसद्वादी १२ बुँदे समझदारी सम्पन्न भएपछि मुलुकमा राजतन्त्रविरोधी आन्दोलनले जुन ढङ्गले गुणात्मक छलाङ हान्दै गयो र त्यस क्रममा माघ २६ गतेको नगरपालिकाको चुनावी नौटङ्कीपूर्ण रूपले ध्वस्त भयो, त्यो नै माओवादी-संसद्वादी समझदारीको दूरगामी ऐतिहासिक महत्त्वको यथेष्ठ प्रमाण थियो । त्यसको नकारात्मक महत्त्वबोध दरबारयिा तत्त्वहरू र प्रमुख अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय शक्तिकेन्द्रहरू

-मुख्यतः अमेरकिी साम्राज्यवाद) ले जुन तीव्रता र गहिराइका साथ गरे, त्यही तहको सकारात्मक महत्त्वबोधचाहिँ प्रमुख संसद्वादी दलहरूको नेतृत्वले गर्न सकेन । फलस्वरूप अमेरकिी राजदूत मोरयिार्टी, स्वयम् राष्ट्रपति बुस र उप-सहायक विदेशमन्त्री डेबिड क्याम्पले खुला रूपमा माओवादी-संसद्वादी समझदारी भत्काउन र राजावादी-संसद्वादी समीकरण निर्माण गर्न अभियान चलाए । साथै, सबै पार्टीभित्रका दरबारपरस्त र साम्राज्यवादपरस् त तत्त्वहरू खुला र छद्म ढङ्गले सक्रिय भए र १२ बुँदे समझदारीको विरोधमा करौँती चलाउन थाले । राजाले सबै पार्टीभित्रका र नागरकि समाजका १२ बुँदे समझदारी पक्षधरहरूलाई थुनछेक गर्ने र त्यसका विरोधीहरूलाई निर्बाध चलखेल गर्न दिने पुरानै 'फुटाऊ र शासन गर' को नीति कुशलतापूर्वक सञ्चालन गरे । त्यसको विपरीत गणतन्त्रवादी र १२ बुँदे पक्षधर शक्तिहरूचाहिँ पुनः अकर्मण्यता, आशङ्का, निराशाको सिकार बन्न थाले । नगरपालिका निर्वाचन बहिष्कारको लगत्तै नयाँ, सशक्त र संयुक्त सङ्घर्षको कार्यक्रम दिएर राजनीतिक पहल आफ्नो हातमा लिनुपर्नेमा पुनः उही औँसी र पूर्णेका झारा टार्ने खालका र पट्यारलाग्दा कार्यक्रम अघि सारेर जनता र कार्यकर्ताको उत्साहमा चिसो पानी खन्याउने काम मात्र भयो ।

यही पृष्ठभूमिमा फागुनको अन्तिम सातादेखि माओवादी-संसदवादी परामर्श र कुराकानी सुरु भयो । स्वाभाविक रूपले वर्तमान लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको आवश्यकतालाई मध्यनजर गर्दै माओवादीतर्फबाट साझा नारा, साझा मोर्चा र साझा कार्यक्रमको प्रस्ताव प्रस्तुत भयो । साझा लक्ष्य र नारा सकेसम्म लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र र त्यो नभए निःसर्त संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनलाई बनाउने हाम्रो जोड रह्यो । यदि साझा नारा, साझा मोर्चा र साझा कार्यक्रमको निम्ति सहमति बनेमा हाम्रातर्फबाट घोषित सबै सङ्घर्षका कार्यक्रम फिर्ता लिने र आवश्यक ठानिएमा निश्चित अवधिका निम्ति एकतर्फी युद्धविरामसमेत गर्ने प्रतिबद्धता हाम्रातर्फबाट गरयिो । विभिन्न चरणका कुराकानीहरूमा प्रमुख संसद्वादी दलका प्रतिनिधिहरू ती कुनै पनि कुरामा सहमत नभएपछि अन्ततः एउटा सामान्य साझा अपिल जारी गर्ने र संसद्वादी दलहरूले घोषणा गर्ने जनआन्दोलनका कार्यक्रमहरूको समर्थनमा हामीद्वारा घोषित सङ्घर्षका कार्यक्रमहरू फिर्ता लिने समझदारी बन्यो । यो राजतन्त्रविरोधी बृहत्् लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनलाई सहयोग पुर्‍याउन माओवादीका तर्फबाट गरनि सक्ने अधिकतम् लचकता र बलिदानको नमुना थियो । तर, अज्ञात र रहस्यमय कारणवश त्यो बनिसकेको नयाँ समझदारीअनुरूप अघि बढ्न प्रमुख संसद्वादी दलहरूका नेतृत्वमा अद्यावधि जुन हिच्किचाहट, अकर्मण्यता र अरुचि देखापरेको छ, त्यसले सम्पूर्ण लोकतन्त्रवादी शक्तिहरूलाई निश्चित रूपमा गम्भीर र चिन्तित तुल्याएको छ । यसै सन्दर्भमा केही युगीन यक्ष प्रश्नहरूको उत्तर सबै लोकतान्त्रिक राजनीतिक शक्तिहरू, नागरकि समाज र आमजनसमुदायले दिनुपर्ने भएको छ ।

सर्वप्रथम, माओवादी-संसद्वादी समझदारी र सहकार्य लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनका निम्ति ऐतिहासिक आवश्यकता हो कि एउटाले अर्कोलाई निश्चित स्वार्थपूर्तिका निम्ति उपयोग गर्ने चालबाजी मात्र हो ? यो यक्ष प्रश्नको सही उत्तर नभेट्टाएसम्म र प्रमुख पार्टीहरूको नेतृत्वले आत्मसात् नगरेसम्म संयुक्त लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलन अघि बढ्न सक्दैन र हामीले जतिसुकै मनोगत चाहना राखे पनि निरङ्कुश राजतन्त्र र सामन्तवाद अझै केही समय ढल्न सक्दैन । हाम्रो पार्टी र शीर्षस्थ नेतृत्वको सुविचारति निष्कर्ष के हो भने राजावादी, संसद्वादी र सर्वहारावादी गरी तीन धारमा विभाजित हाम्रोजस्तो अर्ध-सामन्ती र अर्ध-औपनिवेशिक परविेश र वर्तमान विश्व सन्दर्भमा संसद् वादी-माओवादी

-सर्वहारावादी) समझदारी र सहकार्य एउटा ऐतिहासिक आवश्यकता हो । वर्तमान नेपालको वर्गीय र राजनीतिक शक्तिसन्तुलनका हिसाबले यो दुवै पक्षका निम्ति अनिवार्य कुरा हो । परन्तु प्रमुख संसद्वादी दलहरूभित्रको एउटा घोर दक्षिणपन्थी र अनुदारवादी पक्ष शीतयुद्धकालीन कम्युनिस्टविरोधी मनोरोगबाट यति धेरै ग्रस्त छ कि उसलाई मोरयिार्टीहरूले सजिलै दिग्भ्रमित पार्न सक्छन् र उसले माओवादीहरूलाई भन्दा निरङ्कुश राजावादीहरूलाई नजिकको मित्र शक्ति देख्छ । त्यसैले ऊ २००७ सालदेखि बारम्बार लोकतन्त्रमाथि घात गर्ने र सैनिक अधिनायकत्व लाद्ने राजतन्त्रसँगको दर्शनभेटलाई व्यग्रतापूर्वक प्रतीक्षा गर्छ तर बहुदलीय प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक शासन प्रणालीप्रति सार्वजनिक प्रतिवद्धता व्यक्त गर्ने माओवादीहरूसँग एउटा साझा लोकतन्त्रवादी अपिल जारी गर्नचाहिँ हिच्किचाउँछ । धारा १२७ को त्यान्द्रो समातेर पूरै संविधानमाथि बलात्कार गर्ने र सैनिक अधिनायकत्व लाद्ने राजतन्त्रचाहिँ संवैधानिक शक्ति हुने तर स्वतन्त्र र निष्पक्ष संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनको परण्िााम स्वीकार्छु भन्ने माओवादीचाहिँ असंवैधानिक र आतङ्कवादी हुने कसरी हुन्छ ? त्यसैले जबसम्म देशमा लोकतन्त्रका निम्ति मुख्य बाधक शक्ति राजतन्त्र हो कि माओवादी हो भन्नेबारे प्रमुख संसद्वादी दलहरूको नेतृत्वपङ्क्ति स्पष्ट हुँदैन, तबसम्म लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनमा व्याप्त अन्योल, मन्दी र अकर्मण्यताको अन्त्य हुनै सक्दैन । १२ बुँदे समझदारीको गुदी कुरा नै के हो भने त्यसले स्पष्ट शब्दमा पहिलो बुँदामा नै भनेको छ, 'आज देशमा लोकतन्त्र, शान्ति, समृद्धि, सामाजिक अग्रगमन तथा स्वतन्त्र सार्वभौम नेपाल आमनेपाली जनताको प्रमुख चाहना हो । त्यसका निम्ति प्रमुख बाधक निरङ्कुश राजतन्त्र हो भन्ने कुरामा हामी पूर्ण सहमत छौँ ।' माओवादी पक्षको चाहिँ स्पष्ट अडान के हो भने सामन्तवाद र राजतन्त्रसँगको अन्तरविरोध नै प्रधान कुरा हो र त्यसका विरुद्ध संसद्वादी लोकतान्त्रिक शक्तिहरूसँगको एकता ऐतिहासिक र वस्तुगत रूपले आवश्यक कुरा हो । त्यसैले संसद्वादी शक्तिहरूलाई माओवादीहरूले 'केरेन्स्की' बनाउन खोज्दैछन् भन्ने मोरयिार्टीहरूको भ्रममा कोही पनि पर्नुपर्ने हामी जरुरी देख्दैनौँ । केरेन्स्की कसैले बनाउने कुरा नभएर स्वयम् बन्न सक्ने र बन्ने कुरा हो । त्यही ऐतिहासिक भ्रमलाई निवारण गर्न माओवादीले 'प्रतिस्पर्धात्मक बहुदलीय शासन प्रणाली' प्रति अगि्रम प्रतिवद्धता जनाएको हो भनेर बुझ्न चाहनेहरूले बुझिराख्नु राम्रो हुनेछ ।

दोस्रो यक्ष प्रश्न, लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको एउटै सूत्रवद्ध लक्ष्य र नारा के हुने भन्ने हो । सबैलाई थाहा भएको कुरा हो, ०४६ सालमा बहुदल भन्ने एउटै केन्द्रीय नारा जनजिब्रोमा गडेको थियो र त्यसले नै अन्ततः आन्दोलनको ऊर्जा पैदा गरेको थियो । १५ वर्षको संवैधानिक राजतन्त्रको असफल अभ्यासपछि अहिले भइरहेको लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलनको स् वाभाविक लक्ष्य र नारा लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्र हुनुपर्ने स्वतः स्पष्ट छ । सबै पार्टीका कार्यकर्ता, नागरकि समाज र आमजनसमुदाय लोकतान्त्रिक गणतन्त्रभन्दा तलको नारा भट्याउने पक्षमा छँदै छैनन् । तैपनि, विशेषतः अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय शक्तिकेन्द्रहरूको चाहनालाई समेत मध्यनजर राख्दै हामीले निःसर्त संविधानसभालाई साझा लक्ष्य र नारा बनाउन सहमति जनाएका छौँ । परन्तु प्रमुख संसद्वादी दलहरूको नेतृत्व भने १२ बुँदे समझदारीमा उल्लेख भइसक्दा पनि संविधानसभालाई आन्दोलनको एउटै साझा नारा बनाउन अझै अन्कनाइरहेछ । संसद् पुनःस्थापनाको नारालाई राजाले कुनै पनि बेला घोषणा गर्न सक्ने प्रायोजित संसदीय निर्वाचनले हास्यास्पद र बेकम्मा सावित गरििदनेछ भन्ने जान्दाजान्दै पनि उही संसद् पुनःस्थापनाको नारामा रुढीवादी ढङ्गले टाँसिइरहनु कति ठूलो विडम्बना हो ? वैधानिक र संसदीय बाटोबाट होइन कि राजनीतिक निर्णयको बाटोबाट मात्र संविधानसभामा जान सकिन्छ र त्यसले मात्र लोकतन्त्र र शान्तिको ग्यारेन्टी गर्छ भन्ने चेत अझै किन खुल्न नसकेको हो ? जबसम्म स्पष्ट र अग्रगामी साझा नाराको किटान हुँदैन, तबसम्म लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलन निणर्ायक विन्दुसम्म विकास हुन सक्दैन भन्ने कुरालाई अब बुझ्न ढिला गर्नुहुन्न कि ?

तेस्रो यक्ष प्रश्न, सायद तत्काल सबभन्दा महत्त्वपूर्ण प्रश्न, आन्दोलनको स्वरूप कस्तो हुने र जनआन्दोलन अनि जनयुद्धको शक्तिलाई कसरी संयोजन वा एकाकार गर्ने भन्ने हो । यसै प्रश्नलाई मोरयिार्टीहरूले तत्काल सबभन्दा बढी गिजोल्याइरहेका छन् र संसद्वादी दलहरूको नेतृत्वले यसै विषयमा सबभन्दा बढी खुट्टा कमाइरहेछ । माघ १ गते थानकोटमा आक्रमण गरेको हुनाले माघ ७ गते काठमाडौँमा जनप्रदर्शन हुन सकेन भन्ने भ्रम पनि एकथरीलाई नराम्रैसँग परेको छ । यसबारे इतिहाससिद्ध अनुभव र समाजविज्ञानको नियम के हो भने सङ्घर्षको स् वरूप शान्तिपूर्ण कि हिंसात्मक भन्ने कुरा आन्दोलनकारीको इच्छामा निर्भर नभएर सत्ताधारीको चरत्रि र निर्णयमा भर पर्छ । सामान्यतया लोकतान्त्रिक शक्तिहरू र आमजनसमुदायको चाहना शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलन गर्ने नै हुन्छ । तर, शान्तिपूर्ण आन्दोलनमा हतियारधारी सत्तापक्षले बलप्रयोग गर्‍यो भने त्यसको प्रतिकार गर्ने स्वतन्त्रता लोकतान्त्रिक शक्तिहरू र आमजनसमुदायलाई पनि हुनैपर्छ । त्यसैले वर्तमान सन्दर्भमा माओवादी पक्षको स्पष्ट भनाइ के हो भने शहरकेन्दि्रत जनआन्दोलनलाई सकेसम्म शान्तिपूर्ण नै बनाउने प्रयत्न गरौँ र त्यसका निम्ति हामी साझा समझदारी बनाएर शहरी क्षेत्रमा सबै आक्रामक फौजी कारबाही रोक्न सक्छौँ । त्यसपछि आन्दोलनको विकाससँगै सामूहिक सल्लाहले नै सङ्घर्षको स्वरूपबारे निर्णय गर्न सक्छौँ । तत्काल शहरकेन्दि्रत बृहत् जनप्रदर्शनहरूलाई सहज र सफल पार्न हामीले त्यहाँका सबै सशस्त्र गतिविधिहरूलाई स् थगन गर्ने प्रस्ताव स्वेच्छिक तवरले नै राख्नुको अर्थ र औचित्य पनि त्यही हो । तर, हाम्रो थप भनाइ के हो भने सत्तापक्षले आफ्नो सत्तामाथि खतरा बढेको देखेपछि हामीले जतिसुकै शान्तिपूर्ण मन्त्र जपे पनि उसले बलप्रयोग गरछिाड्नेछ, जसरी हामीले पहिलो वार्ताकालको बेला ०५८ असोज ५ गते काठमाडौँमा आयोजना गर्न लागेको जनप्रदर्शनलाई उसले कफ्र्यु लगाएर रोकेको थियो । त्यसैले थानकोट आक्रमण नगरएिको भए पनि माघ ७ मा उसले कफ्र्यु लगाएर जनप्रदर्शन बिथोल्थ्यो भन्नेबारेमा हामीमा कुनै भ्रम रहनु हुन्न । जहाँसम्म भोलि परिवर्तनपछि जनमुक्ति सेनाको बलमा माओवादीले एकलौटी शासन थोपर्छ कि भन्ने आशङ्का छ, त्यसैलाई दूर गर्न हामीले संविधानसभाको निर्वाचनका बेला भरपर्दो अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय सुपरीवेक्षण र पछि नयाँ राष्ट्रिय सेनाको कुरा गरेका हौँ । त्यसबारे ठोस छलफल र निर्णय गर्न हामी सधैँ तयार छौँ ।

चौथो यक्ष प्रश्न, नेपाली जनता र देशको भविष्य राजनीतिक पार्टीहरू र जनता स्वयम्ले गर्ने कि अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय शक्तिकेन्द्रहरू र तिनका स्वदेशी मतियारहरूले गर्ने भन्ने हो । संसद्वादी पार्टीहरूको नेतृत्वले आफ्ना जनता र कार्यकर्तालाई हेर्नुभन्दा पनि अन्तर्राष्ट्रिय शक्तिकेन्द्रहरूको मुख बढी ताक्ने प्रवृत्तिलाई नत्यागेसम्म देशमा संयुक्त आन्दोलन उठ्न असम्भवप्रायः हुनेछ । यसै सन्दर्भमा विभिन्न पार्टीहरूभित्र घुसेका दरबारयिा तत्त्वहरूविरुद्ध निणर्ायक सङ्घर्ष गरेर तिनीहरूलाई पहिले परास्त नगरेसम्म संयुक्त लोकतान्त्रिक आन्दोलन अघि बढ्न सक्दैन भन्ने कुरालाई पनि सबैले राम्ररी आत्मसात् गर्न जरुरी छ । हालैको माओवादीभित्रको रवीन्द्र प्रकरणप्रति पार्टीले अपनाएको कडा नीतिलाई अरू पार्टीहरूले पनि अङ्गीकार गर्नु श्रेयस् कर हुनेछ ।

हामी आशा गरौँ, संसद्वादी पार्टीहरूको नेतृत्वले यी यक्ष प्रश्नहरूबारे गम्भीर चिन्तन-मनन गर्नेछ र नयाँ बनेको माओवादी-संसद्वादी समझदारीलाई छिटो व्यवहारमा ल्याउनेछ । अन्यथा भीरबाट लड्ने गोरूलाई राम राम भन्नुसिवाय केही विकल्प बाँकी रहने छैन ।

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Saturday, March 18, 2006

Deuba, Abused


Kantipur Interview With Deuba It would have been easy for the two parties (Nepali Congress and Nepali Congress-Democratic) to unite before their last general conventions. Now both parties have formed their own village, area and district level committees. Both have their own sister organisations. Even Prachanda has said that it (understanding) needs some amendments. Right? They may say Sher Bahadur is acting smart, so I don't want to speak about it right now...... Didn't our party overthrow the Rana rule in 1951? We also took up arms- is it only Prachanda? Wasn't the 1950 movement an armed revolution? If we do not want to compromise with the king for democracy, the same applies in the case of Prachanda. Prachanda can talk about amendments (in the understanding) but when I say the same, it causes a nationwide furore? Isn't it mentioned in the second point of the same understanding itself that additions and deletions can be made? Hasn't the king done injustice to me? Hadn’t Moriarty cautiously welcomed the 12-point understanding? After that Prachanda condemned only and only the US. Why? You tell me! I was surprised when the US cautiously welcomed (the understanding) as the US has a worldwide policy against terrorism. But both Prachanda and Baburam (Baburam Bhattarai) vehemently criticised the US. The US is the world's only super power for the next 20-30 years. I have concerns for the Maoists that are not only mine but the Nepalese people's and the international community's too. The Maoists should make us trust them on the fundamental issues (of democracy). It is still a fear as to what the Maoists will do once they come in power, within as well as outside Nepal. On the one hand, (there is) the fear of the king; on the other- Prachanda's. Is anybody assured? Everybody has the suspicion that (the Maoists) will bring one-party authoritarianism in the name of ‘people-ism’. I have some agendas which I will put before the seven parties. My interest is democracy. No compromise with it, neither with the king nor with Prachanda.

The Maoists have to reassure the Nepalese people and the international community. Otherwise, thousands more may be killed here. Trying to remove the king through constituent assembly- what if the king does not agree? Will they allow private media organisation like yours or not? Will they allow independent radio stations, television channels to operate or not? Will they allow competitive free trade or not? Will they allow private property or not? Will they too interfere with the independent judiciary like the king? Civil society is free; will it remain so or not? Will the parties be allowed to carry out their activities in a free manner? The Maoists can protest against us; will we be allowed to protest against them? There is this feeling that this non-political army (government army) has been troubling, that it (government army) has gone to the extent of detaining the Prime Minister; what will their (Maoists') political army do? How to make it non-political? What will their economic policy be like?... Personally, I accept the Maoists' social agendas, for example the one about ending feudalism. Here, somebody has been kept at even Prachanda's father's house as household help, and in Baburam's father's house. ..... the king is already trouble; Prachanda, too, will trouble us in the future.
The king likes me; it's just that we disagree over the values of democracy! The King does not like this Constitution. He wants to rule with a rubber stamp parliament under him. Will the king, who says the rights given to him by this Constitution are not enough, announce constituent assembly elections? Will we accept it if the Maoists bring a one-party authoritarian rule? Prachanda said that he would agree if the constituent assembly suggested active monarchy. Rather, I do not want such a constituent assembly. Is it possible to completely disarm (them)? One thing, the king will not agree and another, there should be a situation where all can be assured of the Maoists' commitment. Everyone has the fear as to what the constituent assembly is going to bring. Some are afraid of the king, while others are scared of the Maoists. One cannot say what the members of the constituent assembly will do. I am not against constituent assembly...... My concern is the people will not be able to cast their votes in a free and fair manner. How the constituent assembly is going to be free and fair is a tricky question. ..... the King will never allow it. We are to bring democracy through public pressure. I don’t think the king will grant it. Who will announce the constituent assembly then? Or they should say it will be brought once the King steps down. We have to achieve it through the people's movement. Maybe Prachanda will accept active monarchy; I won’t. We had accepted the results of the referendum, but we did not accept the Panchayat system. Though I became Prime Minister thrice, I am an unlucky man! I still believe that one should help the army. However, the army helped the king both times I was sacked. The Prime Minister is the chairman (of the Security Council). The army is mobilised only on the recommendation of the Security Council. I don’t want to talk politics about the army. We need to assure that we are not against the army. The army receives its salary from the people’s taxes; they should respect the people's human rights. They are the Nepalese army...A few minor mistakes do occur. I have been blindly giving whatever the army has asked for. Can we disband the army? It is our army. We should, improve it. The king may agree or not, but we need to assure them that they don't need to comply with whatever the king says. The king is the Supreme Commander of the army. Even in England, the Queen is the Supreme Commander. I feel for the army and I want to respect the army as they have endured quite a lot and fought. There might be psychological problems within the army as well as they are facing international pressure. You should understand their problems. How can I speak against the same army that I loved, respected and helped just because the king detained me? All of them are nice and educated. They speak such good English. They respect human rights when on international peacekeeping missions. But I can’t understand what gets into them here. Nepalis do well abroad but fail to achieve the same in their own country. I don’t understand! None of us had opted for a constituent assembly; we chose it because of the king. ...... his intention is not good. He does not have good intentions towards democracy.

He is not in the mentality of becoming a constitutional king. Whether the monarch remains or not is not my concern; democracy should be there. I don’t care whether Prachanda comes into power or not; democracy should be there. It's not that there will be democracy once the king steps down. But let the king worry about his problems. The king should hand over the power to the seven parties. I was once accused of being used by the Maoists, and then by the King. Ganeshmanji once said that I was Girija Babu’s puppet. How many times do I have to bear such allegations? I have been telling them to tell the king to hand over power to the seven parties. But, the king is not going to listen to them. America, too, is worried that people more dangerous than the King may come (in power). Transform yourselves, become totally democratic. Maoists, too, are Nepalis. Come forward and run for the elections. If we become a republic, you can be the president. If you can, be the Prime Minister. Democracy is the destination. I do not have anything against any of the ways to reach it.

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"The King likes me."
- Deuba

Psychologists like Arzu Rana will describe that statement as the emotional dependence of the abused upon the abuser. The king likes you?

But to Deuba's credit, he is open to Nepal becoming a republic. He is for a constituent assembly. He just wants elections to such an assembly be free and fair. It is not possible to disgaree with him on that count.

Deuba will likely take a lot of heat when he is in New York in a few days. He seems to be quite a controversial figure. That is a good trait in a politician. You are making debate possible.

He almost has this image of someone who is against the 12 point agreement. How did he end up with that image?

The primary reason is that he did not criticize two of the points in the agreement in a balanced way. Why did he not start out by praising the 10 points first? Why did he not express appreciation for all those who made the agreement possible and got the Maoists to commit to a multi-party framework? If the idea is to move on to steps 1, 2 and 3, and you do want to end up at step 3, why are you so offended that step 1 was taken? Why are you not appreciative instead?

His criticism of the 12 point agreement did not strike the right balance. He has managed to hurt the chances of new rounds of talks between the Maoists and the parties. Such talks would have productively addressed his concerns.

So the news is not that he raised his concerns, but he raised them in ways that hurt the chances of those concerns getting addressed in productive ways.

Not to say the two Congress factions are nowhere close to integrating. They will stay on as two separate parties. That is the hint I get. And that is just fine. As long as the coalition stays strong, the movement will do just fine. After all even a party like the Congress has a few thousand key people. The masses will make the right choice when given the chance. Democracy will work just fine even if the Congress does not reunite. Girija Koirala has for too long tried to rub too many noses in the dust to have the political capital to reunite the two factions, it looks like. Or maybe the two leaders will bury the past, and create new ground.

March 22 Event, Deuba In New York
Email From Arzu Rana Deuba

On the part of the rest of the alliance, why is it that when someone raises very specific questions about two specific points in the 12 point agreement, you get the impression that person is against the entire understanding?

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समस्या अर्थ–विकास नीतिको
'जनसत्ता' छाडे माओवादीले
आफ्नै सुरक्षा छैनः कसरी गर्ने जनताको काम?
सक्रिय राजावादीहरूको बदलिएको स्वर

 Please circulate....

A Conversation about Human Rights Situation in Nepal
led by Anjana Shakya , Executive Chairperson of HimRights

Come hear Ms. Anjana Shakya talk about the deteriorating human rights situation in Nepal, and participate in a conversation about how you can get involved in finding a solution.

Ms. Shakya is the founding chairperson of Himalayan Human Rights Monitors (HimRights), one of the leading human rights organizations in Nepal. In addition to other programs, HimRights also operates Lifeline, a 24-hour hotline for victims and potential victims of severe human rights violations.

Date: Friday, March 24th
Time: 6:00 pm
Venue: Himalayan Yak Restaurant
72-20 Roosevelt Avenue, Jackson Heights, Queens

Directions: Take E,F,R,V train to Roosevelt Avenue stop or #7 train to 74th Street stop. Walk to 72nd and Roosevelt (near Broadway).

Light snacks will be provided.
Please RSVP to adhikaar@gmail.com
Suggested donation: $5 (no one will be turned away for lack of funds)

This event is sponsored by Adhikaar (www.adhikaar.org), a human rights and social justice organization working for the rights of Nepali communities everywhere.

--
"If you have some power, it is your job to empower somebody else." - Toni Morrison




Dear Nepali community members and friends of Nepal.

Former Prime Minister and President of Nepali Congress (Democratic), Sher Bahadur Deupa is visiting the United States from March 21, 2006.

The Nepalese Democratic Youth Council in USA (NDYCUSA) is taking this opportunity to invite you to an interaction program with Mr. Deupa. This event is a part of the NDYCUSA’s long tradition of bringing our community members together and sharing our views on the current issues affecting Nepal. This important event will provide us with an important opportunity to hear directly from Mr. Deupa about the current situation and the ongoing democratic movement in Nepal.

This programe is also sponsored by Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal and America Nepal Friendship Society.

Venue: Satyanarayan Mandir hall (2nd Floor), 75-15 Woodside Avenue, Elmhurst, New York 11373 (The nearest 7, F, E, R & G train stops are 74th Street & Broadway and Roosevelt Avenue station, Jackson Heights, Queens)

Date & Time: Friday, March 24, 2006 7:00 pm

We hope to see you all at the program.

Sincerely yours,

Anand Bist

President, Nepalese Democratic Youth Council in USA (NDYCUSA)

For more information, contact:


Ananda Bista 718-507-1393, Khgendra GC 212-947-1079, Dr.Tara Niraula 212-491-0378, Sanjaya Parajuli 917-902-2667, Mohan Gyawali 646-299-0447.


Kathmandu Kitchen
Invites

You and your friends

to attend an interactive talk program on the Current Nepali Situation

with Mr. Sher Bahadaur Deuba
(Three time Prime Minister)
everyone is wellcome to join the event.

Date & Time: 10.30 A. M, March 26, Sunday
Place: Kathmandu Kitchen, Towson.

For more Information please contact;

Dinesh Tripathi (443-854-3910)
Krishna Kandel (410-419-8940)
Mohan Thapa (410-493-3848)
Kiran Pantha (410-627-7121)

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This Movement Is About The Nepali People, Not Foreign Powers


Key deal in Nepal hits roadblock Hindu A crucial agreement that would involve Nepal's Maoists joining the seven-party alliance of parliamentary parties in a "peaceful non-violent agitation" against the monarchy has hit an eleventh hour roadblock. Party leaders are under intense pressure from King Gyanendra and Washington not to take their partnership with the rebels any further.

After many days of talks at an undisclosed location in the vicinity of the Indian capital, negotiators from the two sides agreed on the language of a draft "7-plus-one communiqué." This would take last November's 12-point agreement forward by launching a Nepal-wide campaign of demonstrations against the "autocratic monarchy."

The joint appeal has to be approved by leaders of the seven-party alliance, but in the face of threats from Narayanhiti Palace and dire warnings from the United States against having any truck with the Maoists, the parties' leadership decided to withhold their endorsement.

Meeting in Kathmandu on Friday to discuss the possibility of a joint appeal or two "parallel" appeals to be issued separately by the parties and Maoists, senior alliance leaders like Girija Prasad Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba failed to reach an agreement on a course of action and postponed a final decision to Sunday.

As matters stand, there is no deal between the Maoists, and the parties and sources familiar with the course of the negotiations say there is considerable bitterness in the rebels' camp as a result. The Maoists, said one source, were looking for a "respectable exit from the present national stalemate" and felt the draft communiqué offered a balanced way forward for themselves and the parties.

..... the seven-party alliance leadership had now developed cold feet is purely a result of pressure from the King and [the U.S. Ambassador to Nepal] James Moriarty .....

With the U.S. administration ranged openly against any further deepening of political relations between the Maoists and the parties, India has been reluctant publicly to articulate its view that there is still plenty of scope for the two to work in tandem.

Within days of Mr. Moriarty's attack on the 12-point understanding, the Indian side informed the leadership of the Nepali Congress, the UML and other parties that the U.S. Ambassador's negative assessment of the understanding was not shared by New Delhi. But with Washington keen for the parties to sever their ties with the Maoists, India appears to have gone back to sitting on the fence.

The apparent Indian indifference to the outcome of the last few days of negotiations, say sources, has led the alliance leaders to wonder whether New Delhi would provide them with the necessary cover should King Gyanendra respond with a heavy hand to the formal initiation of a joint agitation with the Maoists.

With the King likely to announce dates for fresh parliamentary elections, the party leaders are increasingly finding themselves in a difficult position. There is pressure from their cadres for a more sustained and widespread agitation and the proposed agreement with the Maoists was intended to galvanise public protests in the Kathmandu valley.
I first read it on Samudaya after receiving a tip on Google Talk: the Maoist-parties talks had failed. There was a link to the source: Nepali Times. And there was an article in an Indian newspaper, published at INSN.

My first reaction was a little disbelief. My second has been to find out all the details. I guess I will have to wait. What broke the talks will be a revelation.

If the Maoists want a communist republic, they are not going to get it. And if they don't want a communist republic, only a progressive democratic republic, it is in their best interests to come real clean with that position.

China breaking its silence and coming out to basically parrot the Moriarty line seems to have tipped the balance. The Chinese want the "two constitutional forces" to talk. The king is not a constitutional force, and the parties are out of power, abused.

For all the work to garner global support for the democracy movement, ultimately it is not about the foreign powers. It is about the people of Nepal. It is about raising their political consciousness to come out into the streets to earn democracy.

On the other hand, we do have to give the Maoists the benefit of doubt. If they argue only a "fusion" of violent and non-violent struggle will dismantle the current regime, do they at least deserve a debate? I think they do. But the democratic camp has not engaged them at that level.

You can not seek a political solution, and then be surprised that the Maoists have not magically transformed themselves into being just another political party. Transformation takes time. You have to do it in stages. You have to sell it to your cadres.

At some level the big powers are being outright disrespectful. They are acting oblivious to the king's misdeeds. Where was China when the king turned Nepal into the number one country in terms of human rights abuses? Where has America been? Both have supported the king when he and his men have looted the state treasury.

Is it true the Maoists have been trying to make the point that the seven party alliance just sits around doing nothing and so they have to come forth to fill the vacuum? That the seven party alliance has not been proactive enough?

I for one hope the talks might have failed, but that they have not ended. That there will be a second round.

Those who will thwart all attempts at a political solution, have they not seen enough bloodshed in the country yet?

Some of the mistakes made by the seven party alliance have been:
  1. The utter inflexibility on the issue of House revival. That gets presented as the prime goal.
  2. Not being proactive enough in terms of protest programs.
  3. Not enough open introspection on the experience of the 1990s.
  4. Taking criticism of some select parts of the 12 point agreement as a criticism of the entire document.
  5. Going on long vacations that force the Maoists to come up with programs of their own.
  6. Not firm enough in their commitment to the idea of a constituent assembly.
  7. Carrying illusions about the king. Having expectations of him.
Some of the mistakes made by Moriarty have been:
  1. To sound like he works for the king.
  2. To see the devil in the eye and still not see it.
  3. To not praise 10 of the 12 points.
  4. To be more in tune with the existing power structure than the democratic aspirations of the Nepali people.
  5. To not have read enough literature of the Nepali Maoists.
  6. Pumping money into the RNA to the tune of millions, but none to the democracy movement and thus having fuelled the civil war. Wars make money for some people and companies.
  7. To say there is no military solution, but then get in the way of a political solution.
  8. To have been on the king's side when the Maoists declared their ceasefire.
Some of the mistakes made by the Chinese have been:
  1. But where have you been the entire time?
  2. Define "constitutional force."
Some of the mistakes made by the Maoists have been:
  1. To not realize "fusion" will not work. Violence prevents the democracy movement from taking off.
  2. To not come around to the idea of dismantling the two armies before taking the country through a constituent assembly.
  3. To not defining their idea of a multiparty democracy.
  4. Playing into the hands of the right wingers in power who do not want the Maoists to stop the violence.
A Moriarty And A King

Moriarty does not know what he is talking about. And the king is not on our side. So why feel the pressure? The misguided souls of the US State Department don't have a clue. These are people who wanted to hand over power to the Baathists in Iraq after Saddam was gone. Their quest is "stability," not justice, not democracy.

Moriarty's party, the Republican Party, is not making sense in Washington DC, with the largest debts and deficits of any government in human history. And Moriarty is but that party's reflection in Kathmandu.

And Deuba does not know what he is talking about.

The Movement Has To Go On

The foreign powers always come along later on. Moriarty is proof. He was opposed to the first round of talks between the Maoists and the parties. But then he reluctantly came along after the 12 point agreement was so well received by the Nepali people.

Ambassadors mean only so much. And some don't mean anything at all, like Bolton at the UN.

It is pathetic how the likes of Deuba are so eager to feel foreign "pressure." When it is one bureaucrat talking, it is one bureaucrat talking. Your job is to think of 27 million Nepalis. This fight is to establish the sovereignty of the Nepali people once and for all, not to take it from the king to hand it over to the foreign powers.

Go Back To Talking

The talks have to go on. What was the "7-plus-one communiqué?" Make it public. If it was good, sign it, implement it.

Moriarty In The Soup

Baburam Moriarty Debate

Moriarty's Irresponsible Mainstream


Do The Maths

Moriarty is for a constituent assembly. The Chinese want the king to talk to the parties. The only way that is possible is for the king to accept the idea of a constituent assembly. The Maoists are for a constituent assembly. Looks to me like we all are in agreement, all except the king.

In The News

Deal Off Samudaya
Hush Hush Maoists Talks Near Delhi Draw Blank The Telegraph

Parties trapped in the Maoists’ conspiracy: Home Minister Thapa NepalNews
Blockade enters the fifth day; Life remains crippled
China in favour of unity among constitutional forces: Tang

Maoists training new recruits, says govt Gulf Times, Qatar
China asks Gyanendra to initiate dialogue with pol parties NewKerala.com, India
China asks Gyanendra to initiate dialogue with parties Hindu, India
More troubles in Nepal Khaleej Times, United Arab Emirates
Armed escorts to break Maoist blockade in Nepal Times of India, India
Maoist road blockade in Nepal starts to bite ABC Asia Pacific
China says it is against external interference in Nepal Hindu, India

Visitors

17 March19:28Claranet, United Kingdom
17 March21:44Verizon Online, Terre Haute, United States
17 March22:55Verizon Online, Boston, United States
18 March00:06Nepal (wlink.com.np)
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