Democracy For Nepal

Saturday, March 18, 2006

Deuba, Abused

Kantipur Interview With Deuba It would have been easy for the two parties (Nepali Congress and Nepali Congress-Democratic) to unite before their last general conventions. Now both parties have formed their own village, area and district level committees. Both have their own sister organisations. Even Prachanda has said that it (understanding) needs some amendments. Right? They may say Sher Bahadur is acting smart, so I don't want to speak about it right now...... Didn't our party overthrow the Rana rule in 1951? We also took up arms- is it only Prachanda? Wasn't the 1950 movement an armed revolution? If we do not want to compromise with the king for democracy, the same applies in the case of Prachanda. Prachanda can talk about amendments (in the understanding) but when I say the same, it causes a nationwide furore? Isn't it mentioned in the second point of the same understanding itself that additions and deletions can be made? Hasn't the king done injustice to me? Hadn’t Moriarty cautiously welcomed the 12-point understanding? After that Prachanda condemned only and only the US. Why? You tell me! I was surprised when the US cautiously welcomed (the understanding) as the US has a worldwide policy against terrorism. But both Prachanda and Baburam (Baburam Bhattarai) vehemently criticised the US. The US is the world's only super power for the next 20-30 years. I have concerns for the Maoists that are not only mine but the Nepalese people's and the international community's too. The Maoists should make us trust them on the fundamental issues (of democracy). It is still a fear as to what the Maoists will do once they come in power, within as well as outside Nepal. On the one hand, (there is) the fear of the king; on the other- Prachanda's. Is anybody assured? Everybody has the suspicion that (the Maoists) will bring one-party authoritarianism in the name of ‘people-ism’. I have some agendas which I will put before the seven parties. My interest is democracy. No compromise with it, neither with the king nor with Prachanda.

The Maoists have to reassure the Nepalese people and the international community. Otherwise, thousands more may be killed here. Trying to remove the king through constituent assembly- what if the king does not agree? Will they allow private media organisation like yours or not? Will they allow independent radio stations, television channels to operate or not? Will they allow competitive free trade or not? Will they allow private property or not? Will they too interfere with the independent judiciary like the king? Civil society is free; will it remain so or not? Will the parties be allowed to carry out their activities in a free manner? The Maoists can protest against us; will we be allowed to protest against them? There is this feeling that this non-political army (government army) has been troubling, that it (government army) has gone to the extent of detaining the Prime Minister; what will their (Maoists') political army do? How to make it non-political? What will their economic policy be like?... Personally, I accept the Maoists' social agendas, for example the one about ending feudalism. Here, somebody has been kept at even Prachanda's father's house as household help, and in Baburam's father's house. ..... the king is already trouble; Prachanda, too, will trouble us in the future.
The king likes me; it's just that we disagree over the values of democracy! The King does not like this Constitution. He wants to rule with a rubber stamp parliament under him. Will the king, who says the rights given to him by this Constitution are not enough, announce constituent assembly elections? Will we accept it if the Maoists bring a one-party authoritarian rule? Prachanda said that he would agree if the constituent assembly suggested active monarchy. Rather, I do not want such a constituent assembly. Is it possible to completely disarm (them)? One thing, the king will not agree and another, there should be a situation where all can be assured of the Maoists' commitment. Everyone has the fear as to what the constituent assembly is going to bring. Some are afraid of the king, while others are scared of the Maoists. One cannot say what the members of the constituent assembly will do. I am not against constituent assembly...... My concern is the people will not be able to cast their votes in a free and fair manner. How the constituent assembly is going to be free and fair is a tricky question. ..... the King will never allow it. We are to bring democracy through public pressure. I don’t think the king will grant it. Who will announce the constituent assembly then? Or they should say it will be brought once the King steps down. We have to achieve it through the people's movement. Maybe Prachanda will accept active monarchy; I won’t. We had accepted the results of the referendum, but we did not accept the Panchayat system. Though I became Prime Minister thrice, I am an unlucky man! I still believe that one should help the army. However, the army helped the king both times I was sacked. The Prime Minister is the chairman (of the Security Council). The army is mobilised only on the recommendation of the Security Council. I don’t want to talk politics about the army. We need to assure that we are not against the army. The army receives its salary from the people’s taxes; they should respect the people's human rights. They are the Nepalese army...A few minor mistakes do occur. I have been blindly giving whatever the army has asked for. Can we disband the army? It is our army. We should, improve it. The king may agree or not, but we need to assure them that they don't need to comply with whatever the king says. The king is the Supreme Commander of the army. Even in England, the Queen is the Supreme Commander. I feel for the army and I want to respect the army as they have endured quite a lot and fought. There might be psychological problems within the army as well as they are facing international pressure. You should understand their problems. How can I speak against the same army that I loved, respected and helped just because the king detained me? All of them are nice and educated. They speak such good English. They respect human rights when on international peacekeeping missions. But I can’t understand what gets into them here. Nepalis do well abroad but fail to achieve the same in their own country. I don’t understand! None of us had opted for a constituent assembly; we chose it because of the king. ...... his intention is not good. He does not have good intentions towards democracy.

He is not in the mentality of becoming a constitutional king. Whether the monarch remains or not is not my concern; democracy should be there. I don’t care whether Prachanda comes into power or not; democracy should be there. It's not that there will be democracy once the king steps down. But let the king worry about his problems. The king should hand over the power to the seven parties. I was once accused of being used by the Maoists, and then by the King. Ganeshmanji once said that I was Girija Babu’s puppet. How many times do I have to bear such allegations? I have been telling them to tell the king to hand over power to the seven parties. But, the king is not going to listen to them. America, too, is worried that people more dangerous than the King may come (in power). Transform yourselves, become totally democratic. Maoists, too, are Nepalis. Come forward and run for the elections. If we become a republic, you can be the president. If you can, be the Prime Minister. Democracy is the destination. I do not have anything against any of the ways to reach it.

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"The King likes me."
- Deuba

Psychologists like Arzu Rana will describe that statement as the emotional dependence of the abused upon the abuser. The king likes you?

But to Deuba's credit, he is open to Nepal becoming a republic. He is for a constituent assembly. He just wants elections to such an assembly be free and fair. It is not possible to disgaree with him on that count.

Deuba will likely take a lot of heat when he is in New York in a few days. He seems to be quite a controversial figure. That is a good trait in a politician. You are making debate possible.

He almost has this image of someone who is against the 12 point agreement. How did he end up with that image?

The primary reason is that he did not criticize two of the points in the agreement in a balanced way. Why did he not start out by praising the 10 points first? Why did he not express appreciation for all those who made the agreement possible and got the Maoists to commit to a multi-party framework? If the idea is to move on to steps 1, 2 and 3, and you do want to end up at step 3, why are you so offended that step 1 was taken? Why are you not appreciative instead?

His criticism of the 12 point agreement did not strike the right balance. He has managed to hurt the chances of new rounds of talks between the Maoists and the parties. Such talks would have productively addressed his concerns.

So the news is not that he raised his concerns, but he raised them in ways that hurt the chances of those concerns getting addressed in productive ways.

Not to say the two Congress factions are nowhere close to integrating. They will stay on as two separate parties. That is the hint I get. And that is just fine. As long as the coalition stays strong, the movement will do just fine. After all even a party like the Congress has a few thousand key people. The masses will make the right choice when given the chance. Democracy will work just fine even if the Congress does not reunite. Girija Koirala has for too long tried to rub too many noses in the dust to have the political capital to reunite the two factions, it looks like. Or maybe the two leaders will bury the past, and create new ground.

March 22 Event, Deuba In New York
Email From Arzu Rana Deuba

On the part of the rest of the alliance, why is it that when someone raises very specific questions about two specific points in the 12 point agreement, you get the impression that person is against the entire understanding?

In The News

सङ्कटमा १२ बुँदा Himal
आश जगाउने ठोस अभ्यास
जनआन्दोलनका लागि युद्धविराम
'घुन अर्थात् जनता पिसिन्छन् नै'
स्थानीय तहमा दल–माओवादी सम्बन्ध: एकलाई अर्कोको विश्वास छैन
दरबारको पोल खोल्ने किताब
राजाको शासनको असर: विकास भुतुक्कै
राजबन्दी रिहा गर
रु.५० अर्ब यताउता
अन्तिम ध्वंसको तयारी!
शाही आयोग खारेजीले दिएका सन्देश
अब नाराचाहिँ गणतन्त्रकै दिनुपर्छ
समस्या अर्थ–विकास नीतिको
'जनसत्ता' छाडे माओवादीले
आफ्नै सुरक्षा छैनः कसरी गर्ने जनताको काम?
सक्रिय राजावादीहरूको बदलिएको स्वर

Please circulate....

A Conversation about Human Rights Situation in Nepal
led by Anjana Shakya , Executive Chairperson of HimRights

Come hear Ms. Anjana Shakya talk about the deteriorating human rights situation in Nepal, and participate in a conversation about how you can get involved in finding a solution.

Ms. Shakya is the founding chairperson of Himalayan Human Rights Monitors (HimRights), one of the leading human rights organizations in Nepal. In addition to other programs, HimRights also operates Lifeline, a 24-hour hotline for victims and potential victims of severe human rights violations.

Date: Friday, March 24th
Time: 6:00 pm
Venue: Himalayan Yak Restaurant
72-20 Roosevelt Avenue, Jackson Heights, Queens

Directions: Take E,F,R,V train to Roosevelt Avenue stop or #7 train to 74th Street stop. Walk to 72nd and Roosevelt (near Broadway).

Light snacks will be provided.
Please RSVP to adhikaar@gmail.com
Suggested donation: $5 (no one will be turned away for lack of funds)

This event is sponsored by Adhikaar (www.adhikaar.org), a human rights and social justice organization working for the rights of Nepali communities everywhere.

--
"If you have some power, it is your job to empower somebody else." - Toni Morrison

Dear Nepali community members and friends of Nepal.

Former Prime Minister and President of Nepali Congress (Democratic), Sher Bahadur Deupa is visiting the United States from March 21, 2006.

The Nepalese Democratic Youth Council in USA (NDYCUSA) is taking this opportunity to invite you to an interaction program with Mr. Deupa. This event is a part of the NDYCUSA’s long tradition of bringing our community members together and sharing our views on the current issues affecting Nepal. This important event will provide us with an important opportunity to hear directly from Mr. Deupa about the current situation and the ongoing democratic movement in Nepal.

This programe is also sponsored by Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal and America Nepal Friendship Society.

Venue: Satyanarayan Mandir hall (2nd Floor), 75-15 Woodside Avenue, Elmhurst, New York 11373 (The nearest 7, F, E, R & G train stops are 74th Street & Broadway and Roosevelt Avenue station, Jackson Heights, Queens)

Date & Time: Friday, March 24, 2006 7:00 pm

We hope to see you all at the program.

Sincerely yours,

Anand Bist

President, Nepalese Democratic Youth Council in USA (NDYCUSA)

For more information, contact:

Ananda Bista 718-507-1393, Khgendra GC 212-947-1079, Dr.Tara Niraula 212-491-0378, Sanjaya Parajuli 917-902-2667, Mohan Gyawali 646-299-0447.

Kathmandu Kitchen
Invites

You and your friends

to attend an interactive talk program on the Current Nepali Situation

with Mr. Sher Bahadaur Deuba
(Three time Prime Minister)
everyone is wellcome to join the event.

Date & Time: 10.30 A. M, March 26, Sunday
Place: Kathmandu Kitchen, Towson.

For more Information please contact;

Dinesh Tripathi (443-854-3910)
Krishna Kandel (410-419-8940)
Mohan Thapa (410-493-3848)
Kiran Pantha (410-627-7121)

This Movement Is About The Nepali People, Not Foreign Powers

Key deal in Nepal hits roadblock Hindu A crucial agreement that would involve Nepal's Maoists joining the seven-party alliance of parliamentary parties in a "peaceful non-violent agitation" against the monarchy has hit an eleventh hour roadblock. Party leaders are under intense pressure from King Gyanendra and Washington not to take their partnership with the rebels any further.

After many days of talks at an undisclosed location in the vicinity of the Indian capital, negotiators from the two sides agreed on the language of a draft "7-plus-one communiqué." This would take last November's 12-point agreement forward by launching a Nepal-wide campaign of demonstrations against the "autocratic monarchy."

The joint appeal has to be approved by leaders of the seven-party alliance, but in the face of threats from Narayanhiti Palace and dire warnings from the United States against having any truck with the Maoists, the parties' leadership decided to withhold their endorsement.

Meeting in Kathmandu on Friday to discuss the possibility of a joint appeal or two "parallel" appeals to be issued separately by the parties and Maoists, senior alliance leaders like Girija Prasad Koirala and Sher Bahadur Deuba failed to reach an agreement on a course of action and postponed a final decision to Sunday.

As matters stand, there is no deal between the Maoists, and the parties and sources familiar with the course of the negotiations say there is considerable bitterness in the rebels' camp as a result. The Maoists, said one source, were looking for a "respectable exit from the present national stalemate" and felt the draft communiqué offered a balanced way forward for themselves and the parties.

..... the seven-party alliance leadership had now developed cold feet is purely a result of pressure from the King and [the U.S. Ambassador to Nepal] James Moriarty .....

With the U.S. administration ranged openly against any further deepening of political relations between the Maoists and the parties, India has been reluctant publicly to articulate its view that there is still plenty of scope for the two to work in tandem.

Within days of Mr. Moriarty's attack on the 12-point understanding, the Indian side informed the leadership of the Nepali Congress, the UML and other parties that the U.S. Ambassador's negative assessment of the understanding was not shared by New Delhi. But with Washington keen for the parties to sever their ties with the Maoists, India appears to have gone back to sitting on the fence.

The apparent Indian indifference to the outcome of the last few days of negotiations, say sources, has led the alliance leaders to wonder whether New Delhi would provide them with the necessary cover should King Gyanendra respond with a heavy hand to the formal initiation of a joint agitation with the Maoists.

With the King likely to announce dates for fresh parliamentary elections, the party leaders are increasingly finding themselves in a difficult position. There is pressure from their cadres for a more sustained and widespread agitation and the proposed agreement with the Maoists was intended to galvanise public protests in the Kathmandu valley.

I first read it on Samudaya after receiving a tip on Google Talk: the Maoist-parties talks had failed. There was a link to the source: Nepali Times. And there was an article in an Indian newspaper, published at INSN.

My first reaction was a little disbelief. My second has been to find out all the details. I guess I will have to wait. What broke the talks will be a revelation.

If the Maoists want a communist republic, they are not going to get it. And if they don't want a communist republic, only a progressive democratic republic, it is in their best interests to come real clean with that position.

China breaking its silence and coming out to basically parrot the Moriarty line seems to have tipped the balance. The Chinese want the "two constitutional forces" to talk. The king is not a constitutional force, and the parties are out of power, abused.

For all the work to garner global support for the democracy movement, ultimately it is not about the foreign powers. It is about the people of Nepal. It is about raising their political consciousness to come out into the streets to earn democracy.

On the other hand, we do have to give the Maoists the benefit of doubt. If they argue only a "fusion" of violent and non-violent struggle will dismantle the current regime, do they at least deserve a debate? I think they do. But the democratic camp has not engaged them at that level.

You can not seek a political solution, and then be surprised that the Maoists have not magically transformed themselves into being just another political party. Transformation takes time. You have to do it in stages. You have to sell it to your cadres.

At some level the big powers are being outright disrespectful. They are acting oblivious to the king's misdeeds. Where was China when the king turned Nepal into the number one country in terms of human rights abuses? Where has America been? Both have supported the king when he and his men have looted the state treasury.

Is it true the Maoists have been trying to make the point that the seven party alliance just sits around doing nothing and so they have to come forth to fill the vacuum? That the seven party alliance has not been proactive enough?

I for one hope the talks might have failed, but that they have not ended. That there will be a second round.

Those who will thwart all attempts at a political solution, have they not seen enough bloodshed in the country yet?

Some of the mistakes made by the seven party alliance have been:

The utter inflexibility on the issue of House revival. That gets presented as the prime goal.
Not being proactive enough in terms of protest programs.
Not enough open introspection on the experience of the 1990s.
Taking criticism of some select parts of the 12 point agreement as a criticism of the entire document.
Going on long vacations that force the Maoists to come up with programs of their own.
Not firm enough in their commitment to the idea of a constituent assembly.
Carrying illusions about the king. Having expectations of him.

Some of the mistakes made by Moriarty have been:

To sound like he works for the king.
To see the devil in the eye and still not see it.
To not praise 10 of the 12 points.
To be more in tune with the existing power structure than the democratic aspirations of the Nepali people.
To not have read enough literature of the Nepali Maoists.
Pumping money into the RNA to the tune of millions, but none to the democracy movement and thus having fuelled the civil war. Wars make money for some people and companies.
To say there is no military solution, but then get in the way of a political solution.
To have been on the king's side when the Maoists declared their ceasefire.

Some of the mistakes made by the Chinese have been:

But where have you been the entire time?
Define "constitutional force."

Some of the mistakes made by the Maoists have been:

To not realize "fusion" will not work. Violence prevents the democracy movement from taking off.
To not come around to the idea of dismantling the two armies before taking the country through a constituent assembly.
To not defining their idea of a multiparty democracy.
Playing into the hands of the right wingers in power who do not want the Maoists to stop the violence.

A Moriarty And A King

Moriarty does not know what he is talking about. And the king is not on our side. So why feel the pressure? The misguided souls of the US State Department don't have a clue. These are people who wanted to hand over power to the Baathists in Iraq after Saddam was gone. Their quest is "stability," not justice, not democracy.

Moriarty's party, the Republican Party, is not making sense in Washington DC, with the largest debts and deficits of any government in human history. And Moriarty is but that party's reflection in Kathmandu.

And Deuba does not know what he is talking about.

The Movement Has To Go On

The foreign powers always come along later on. Moriarty is proof. He was opposed to the first round of talks between the Maoists and the parties. But then he reluctantly came along after the 12 point agreement was so well received by the Nepali people.

Ambassadors mean only so much. And some don't mean anything at all, like Bolton at the UN.

It is pathetic how the likes of Deuba are so eager to feel foreign "pressure." When it is one bureaucrat talking, it is one bureaucrat talking. Your job is to think of 27 million Nepalis. This fight is to establish the sovereignty of the Nepali people once and for all, not to take it from the king to hand it over to the foreign powers.

Go Back To Talking

The talks have to go on. What was the "7-plus-one communiqué?" Make it public. If it was good, sign it, implement it.

Moriarty In The Soup

Baburam Moriarty Debate

Moriarty's Irresponsible Mainstream

Do The Maths

Moriarty is for a constituent assembly. The Chinese want the king to talk to the parties. The only way that is possible is for the king to accept the idea of a constituent assembly. The Maoists are for a constituent assembly. Looks to me like we all are in agreement, all except the king.

In The News

Deal Off Samudaya
Hush Hush Maoists Talks Near Delhi Draw Blank The Telegraph

Parties trapped in the Maoists’ conspiracy: Home Minister Thapa NepalNews
Blockade enters the fifth day; Life remains crippled
China in favour of unity among constitutional forces: Tang

Maoists training new recruits, says govt Gulf Times, Qatar
China asks Gyanendra to initiate dialogue with pol parties NewKerala.com, India
China asks Gyanendra to initiate dialogue with parties Hindu, India
More troubles in Nepal Khaleej Times, United Arab Emirates
Armed escorts to break Maoist blockade in Nepal Times of India, India
Maoist road blockade in Nepal starts to bite ABC Asia Pacific
China says it is against external interference in Nepal Hindu, India

Visitors

17 March

19:28

Claranet, United Kingdom

17 March

21:44

Verizon Online, Terre Haute, United States

17 March

22:55

Verizon Online, Boston, United States

18 March

00:06

Nepal (wlink.com.np)

Friday, March 17, 2006

Fundraising Mechanism

Needed: Dynamic Agreement, Concrete Eight Party Alliance
Pumping Money Into The Movement

A fundraising mechanism has to be set up that will help the Nepali diaspora across the world to raise money and send it to the seven party alliance for this decisive phase of the movement. I am writing this down after elaborate talks with many key people. And this stays open source. Modifications can be made along the way so as to strengthen the mechanism.

The 1990 movement is the reason there are so many Nepalis across the world, making money, getting educated, working at major companies. Before that average Nepalis could not get their passports made. Now is payback time. Nepalis abroad, even those living in democracies, can not be free unless Nepal is free. Only a vibrant democracy in Nepal can fuel the political fights of the Nepalis abroad, be it for voting rights, or to break up the glass walls and ceilings that prevent them from reaching their true potential as human beings. Funding the movement in Nepal is self-interest for the diaspora in more ways than one. It is about fighting the lack of citizenship in Nepal, but also in other parts of the world. You got to organize, you got to raise funds, and you got to polish your message. That is how you acquire the political power that earns you your rights, your dignity. Freedom is not free. Put your money where your mouth is.

Most diaspora organizations are social and cultural in nature. Their charters prevent them from making political donations. But time is limited. And so we have to bypass those organizations and forego the idea of launching new organizations. This is the time to collect money in small circles of people you directly know, and to send money like you do for your family. This has to happen in America, in Europe, in Japan, in Australia, in Malaysia, in the Arab countries, and all across the world. The effort has to be supremely decentralized and clandestine, but the book keeping has to be world class. The mechanism has to be established, and it has to be perfected over time.

We have to create the fundraising mechanism with a sense of detachment that it could be comfortably replicated also by other democracy movements in other parts of the world. Book keeping is not a trust issue, it is a professionalism issue. The highest standards have to be followed. Democracy is free speech, and accountability in government and many other things. The movement for democracy itself has to be democratic.

Seven Party Alliance

The alliance has to form a committee of seven members that will oversee the funds. That committee will open up one or more bank accounts in Delhi since we don't want the autocrats in Kathmandu to seize our funds. Each such bank account will be such that three people must put their signatures down to take the money out. Those bank account numbers will be circulated among the diaspora. Small groups of individuals will raise money and send directly to those bank accounts. Key people in each country will be sent a regular newsletter that will detail the book keeping, as to how much money has been raised and spent. Digital copies of bank papers from both ends are to be collected and matched.

The alliance will create clandestine mechanisms to send money to Kathmandu and other parts of Nepal.

Google Talk, MSN Messenger

We have to use these two to stay in touch. About 100 of the most active Nepalis in the diaspora as well as in Kathmandu should all have access to these two instant messengers. MSN Messenger makes conference calls possible. Google Talk has great voice quality. The safe houses in Nepal should have them. The Nepal Center in Delhi has it. Key people in New York City are cued in. Voice chat is free. And it is safe. The regime can tap phones, as it does. But voice chat can not be tapped.

Granted most of the seven party leaders and even the student leaders are not there yet in terms of comfort with technology, we have to divy up the responsibility. Let there be a team of techies who take care of all the technology. Let the leaders only have to worry about talking and listening. Get Girija Koirala on Google Talk. Let's hear him. Get Madhav Nepal on Google Talk.

This is also great for the diaspora activists. For those in Nepal, it might be a safety and cost issue. For those in the diaspora it is a time issue, a geography issue. Online is only place we can meet with ease and as often as necessary.

Voice chat could make possible some sophisticated coordination.

Safe Houses

We need about 10 of those in Kathmandu to keep all our top organizers underground, safe, and working full time. This is war with communications technology, not war with guns, but war nevertheless.

There is no point in getting arrested. If you think you might get arrested and are a top organizer, go underground until the day of the final, decisive protest.

Satellite Phones

Arresting our leaders and cutting their phone lines have been the primary ways they attack, and they have promised to attack again. Safe houses are the counter measure for the arrest weapon. And we need to pump some money into satellite phones.

Intense Polarization, Confrontation

Now is the time.

Worst Case Scenario: Mass Arrests, Curfew, Military Crackdown

We have to be prepared for that. We have to create and sustain a sophisticated communication structure come hell or high water.

If the king might go for an ugly endgame, the country will still go for a constituent assembly, but it will declare itself a republic first. The 1999 House will be declared the revolutionary parliament. That will adopt an interim constitution. That constitution will turn Nepal into a republic, it will command the army, and it will start by purging the army top brass of all the king's men.

The interim government will consider top priority bringing to justice villains like Kamal Thapa. They stand to lose both liberty and property. All the Rs. 50,00,00,00,000 worth of corruption over the past four years will have to be accounted for. Individuals who have looted the people's money will pay back.

In the worst case scenario, the king meets Kamal Thapa's fate.

Dialogue From A Position Of Strength

But we have to be open to the dialogue option: dialogue from a position of strength.

The king trying to break up the seven party alliance is not dialogue, that is confrontation, and we hit back. The king inviting some leaders for talks while keeping many others arrested is not dialogue, that is confrontation, and we respond likewise.

If the king takes the sensible route, he will still be king while the interim government takes the country through a constituent assembly. But it is for him to decide if he wants to go down that route.

Truth And Reconciliation Commission

No matter which route we go, there is no avoiding such a commission.

Kamal Thapa

Kamal Thapa - Nepali Times
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