Maoists Should Go Beyond Ceasefire To Peaceful Mobilization

Maoists renew threat to disrupt municipal polls, unilateral ceasefire as good as ‘withdrawn’ NepalNews ..... the CPN (Maoist) will mobilise masses, organise mass meetings and coordinate their programmes of protess with that of the seven party opposition alliance.

Their three month long ceasefire was and is their most brilliant military move to date. I can't see another such example of a similar incident on the world stage or in world history. No armed group with such a large presence, geographically and politically, over such a large portion of a national territory has ever made such a move, not that I know of. The Maoists have already made history.

They also moved from a communist republic to a democratic republic. I am not aware of such an ideological U turn anywhere in world history either.

Nepal has seen much violence this past decade, especially the past few years after King Gyanendra decided to go down the path of royal adventurism. More than 12,000 deaths, and over 23,000 suicides: those are the numbers. The royal army is responsible for about 75% of both.

The Maoists have been accused of senseless violence. And I for one have never approved of their violent ways. But if they are a rebel outfit that has acted inhuman and irrespponsible, the royal army is supposed to be the state. They can not act inhuman and irresponsible, but they have.

The royal army and the militarism it symbolizes have been blamed for one Nagarkot incident of 11 deaths. I think it should be held responsible for (12,000 + 23,000)/11 * 75% = 2,386 Nagarkots.

One option would be to put both the royal army and the Maoist army under the microcope and subject them to a country tribunal. For that the Democrats would have to militarily take over the country and bring both to justice through use of force. This option does not go with the ground realities.

Recently Kul Chandra Gautam suggested another option which is pretty much standard. He said forgiveness comes second. First there has to be some book keeping. A Truth and Reconciliation Commission has to be set up that will allow people who have lost much to the war to come forth and get their stories documented. But that is after peace and democracy.

I think a general amensty is the price the country has to be willing to pay for permanent peace. So the total emphasis has to be to help the Maoists become yet another political party within a multi-party framework.

But the king is stuck in third gear. He has no intention of reciprocating the ceasefire. If he had acted reasonable and reciprocated the ceasefire, we would have had the luxury to think he seeks reconciliation.

Instead he is hellbent on proving his points.

1. The Maoists can be militarily crushed.
   
2. The 1990 constitution is the final constitution Nepal will get.
3. His use of Article 127 can not be questioned. All he has done have been valid.
   
4. Citizens' rights are gifts from the king. When he takes them away, the citizenry should not act surprised. When he gives them back, the people should be thankful.
   

The emerging Maoist-Democrat alliance has been the outcome of the Maoist ceasefire. That is a huge achievement.

If the Maoists are truly republicans, they should not be surprised the king did not reciprocate the ceasefire. Kings are not supposed to be reasonable and democratic.

Instead the Maoists should continue with their ceasefire, and take further steps to consolidate their peaceful, democratic base, and engage the seven party alliance in further trust building. The 12 point agreement needs much polishing still. (10 Point Agreement To Succeed 12 Point Agreement) The idea should be to use the announced February 8 polls to engineer a total bipolarization in the country. The seven party alliance, the Maoists, and the CMDP (Citizens Movement for Democracy and Peace) have to come together in a solid way.

I think the Maoists have the Sinn Fein option. Keep your military wing intact for now. And have a separate political wing. Do not break the ceasefire, but engage in a major peaceful mobilization of the masses through the peaceful, political wing.

Breaking the ceasefire will take all positive developments back to square one. But a major peaceful mobilization will build upon the continued ceasefire.

To expect the king to take the lead would not be republican thinking. So his not reciprocating the ceasefire should not be held against the country and its population.

The monarchy and the Nepali Congress are on downward slopes for their own reasons. The monarchy is not willing to get out of the way even to a ceremonial form. The Nepali Congress is playing foul games with its sister organization the Nepal Students Union. A NSU that elects Gagan Thapa and is led by him would be somewhere at the forefront of this democracy movement and would be one piece of good news for an otherwise downward moving party. Gagan would be good for the NSU, the movement and for the Nepali Congress. But the NC leaders do not seem to realize this.

The king is the same way. He does not feel the groundswell. He does not feel the noose tightening around him. He wants all or nothing. Monarchs don't cut deals, I guess. The king's regime seems to be on autopilot. I think Tulsi Giri should speak publicly more often. That would really help the democracy movement. Because otherwise the democrats do not seem to realize this regime does not intend to understand democracy.

The Maoists need to come around to this:

2. The seven parties and the Maoists are committed to a constituent assembly elections to which will be held by an interim government functioning under an interim constitution that will make the interim prime minister the Commander In Chief of the army. Before the Maoists are invited to join the interim government, the two armies in the country are to be integrated through external mediation. If the integration not be total, foreign aid is to be sought to integrate the rest of the Maoist armed cadres into the economy. It is hoped that the integrated army will be downsized by the government that will come into power after a new parliament takes shape. The seven parties agree that the 1990 constitution is dead, and so is the 1999 House that can not exist outside the 1990 constitution. As to how to get to the interim government, a decisive movement is to be waged across the country. That might result in the king coming around to the idea of an interim government, in which case the question of monarchy will still be an issue in the constituent assembly. On the other hand, if the king be relentlessly uncompromising, the movement ends the monarchy before it forms the interim government, in which case the question of monarchy will not be an issue in the constituent assembly. It has been agreed that People’s power is the only alternative to meet the goals. This has been suggested as the interim constitution: Proposed Constitution.

And they should contiue with the ceasefire, and engage in some major peaceful mobilizations.

In The News

Maoists kill two civilians; abduct 400 NepalNews
Maoists pledge cooperation with int’l agencies
Nepali version of Linux ‘NepaLinux’ launched
Maoists renew threat to disrupt municipal polls, unilateral ceasefire as good as ‘withdrawn’
RPP dissidents call for early general convention
Nepal Maoists declare all-out war on elections Times of India, India
Nepal parties vow to thwart municipal elections Reuters AlertNet
“NEPAL’S DOWNWARD SPIRAL”: Senator Patrick Leahy talked ...United We Blog
Maoists call seven-day shutdown to halt Nepal polls Webindia123
Nepal Maoists declare all-out war on King's polls Hindustan Times, India
Nepal parties vow to thwart municipal elections Reuters
Nepal Maoists heal rift with UN NewKerala.com, India
UN welcomes Nepali guerrilla's adherence to BOG Xinhua
12-point agenda Kathmandu Post
Joint Strategy required to counter Maoist threat: Patil NewKerala.com
NWPP to separate from the seven party alliance PeaceJournalism.com, Nepal
NC, UML leaders discuss further protests Kantipur
UN hails Maoists' recognition of Basic Operating Guidelines
Maoists kill 2 civilians; abduct 400: RNA
OHCHR for impartial investigation into Nagarkot shootout
NC-D leaders catch up with Maoist leaders
Maoists declare programmes to disrupt municipal polls
Giri's remarks draw flak; parties to obstruct polls at any cost
RPP rebel faction issues ultimatum for special convention

Major Revisions

Major Revisions To The Proposed Constitution

I made some major revisions two days back. Funny how people do not make use of the comments section at this blog. Instead they need personal attention. They have to meet you in person, or get on the phone with you to give feedback. Like it was Sanjaya Parajuli, Anil Shahi, Deepak Khadka and me with Gagan Thapa driving Gagan off to the airport. And that is when Sanjaya went on this tangent about the need for direct elections for Prime Minister. Recently it has been Diwaskar Adhikari in Texas harassing on the phone on the same topic, and many others in between. I have been working with Diwaskar on the video blogging project. But he has been spending more time on this topic. He has also offered some valuable insight on some other topics to do with the constitution.

And three days back we had our largest Sunday get together so far, and there was this major discussion on what a constituent assembly was, how it would come about, and so forth. For me the highlight was the social justice theme. In attendance were Binay and Tara Shah, Sarahana Shrestha, Ritesh Chaudhary, Anil Shahi and myself. We decided to meet once a month now on. Once a week was too much, and it was getting cold, and the seven party alliance does not seem to have the goal of bringing this regime down by February.

Sarahana was totally steering the talk. She had brought along her laptop, a fancy Apple one on that. She took copious notes. From that talk I added this to the Proposed Constitution:

The Pratinidhi Sabha will have reserved seats for the four groups, Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati and Mahila, 10%, 20%, 10%, and 25% with some overlaps. So the half of the seats for women will cut across that of these four groups as well. For example, of the 10% seats for Dalits, 25% of them will have to be women. And the 10% for Dalits will be half in the Terai, but that is not to cut into the Madhesi reserved seats. 10, 20, 15 and 25 are half the supposed shares of the populations of these groups, to be revised each census. The reservation for a group is discontinued once its share in the Pratinidhi Sabha hits 80% of its share in the national population. When identifying the seats for the Dalit, Madhesi and Janajati, the Election Commission will seek constituencies where the groups have their largest share of populations. No three contiguous seats may be reserved seats.

I think this is a major addition. Democracy as we know it does not automatically lead to social justice. America and India are good examples of that. Look at the blacks in America, the Dalits in India, and the women everywhere. Look at the recent spectacular riots in France. (French Society: No Easy Solutions, Sick Sarkozy, Riots In France) Democracies that have traditionally only recognized only the individual identity of individuals and not their collective identities have ended up recognizing the collective identity of any one group alone. It is not like the collective identity got negated or anything.

My problem is as to how to make this scientific, and possibly of universal use. One, you recognize the collective identities, but you also make room for change, especially positive change. That is what the provision for constitutional amendments is for. And the reservations come up with the automatic dissolution provision. Or the Dalit identity itself could go away. If all Hindus were to inter marry across the castes, or if all Dalits were to convert to Buddhism en masse, the Dalit identity might merge, or take a whole new meaning, although the history will always be there.

What is a collective identity? One measure is marriage patterns, I think. If at least 80% of the people in that group marry among themselves, I think that is a collective identity. What do you think? Another is to ask people. If I say I am a Madhesi, I am one.

Nepal Democracy Forum

I don't miss it. The key people I used to interact with there, I do so now better and much more productively on the phone. Now I have much more time for the projects. I am making a more productive use of my time. I have been meeting more people offline. I have a newfound interest in the ANTA. A few days back I helped launch the Baltimore-DC chapter. I was on the phone with Dinesh Tripathy who is taking the lead on the Legal Action project. He asked me if I knew Madhesis in his area. He wanted to get to know and hang out. I told him with that comment he had just made himself the President of the Baltimore-DC chapter of the ANTA. Immediately I conferenced in Guneshwar Shah who is in Virigina. He found himself the Vice President.

A lot of Madhesis are excited that I locked horns with the Nepal Democracy Forum. That has been one clear, positive fallout of the episode. The temperature has been raised a little.

Internet Access Down

For the past four days I have had only sporadic access. I don't know what went wrong. But now I am back. In a way I was lost. On the other hand I cleaned the bathroom and made my roommates happy. They had been doing all the cleaning forever, these poor Estonians. I also feel more rested. Otherwise I never have a day off. Don't get me wrong. I do take time off, randomly so. But it is good to have a chunk of 24 hours off.

Talking To Girija Koirala

It was such a good feeling. I have had many people write to me and call me about that.

Girija is like this huge presence. Like him or dislike him, he is there. For me it is not a like, dislike thing. I want to do business with him.

Boycotting The February 8 Polls

Personally I think it would make more sense to try and bring the regime down by February. But it is a tall task.

So how do you boycott polls? You can not organize to gherao polling booths. The police will come after you. More importantly, those who might choose to vote will have a right to. You can not obstruct their freedom to move around. It is not like the police is going to go into homes and force people to come out to vote. People have a right to show up and vote, and they have a right to stay back home and boycott the polls. So basically it is a political battle of opinion making.

I am with the seven party alliance. If their immediate goal is to organize a boycott of polls, I am with them. They are the legitimate leaders of this movement.

Getting people to stay home and not show up at the polling booths might be easier than getting them to come out into the streets in large numbers, perhaps.

Someone At Google Visited This Blog

20 December

20:55

Google Inc., Mountain View, United States

Who is that! Hello Sergei. Hello Larry.

The King Has Invented Something New

Is this monarchism? Militarism? Musharrafism? It is each, but it is also something new. In monarchism there are no political parties. In militarism things are several steps worse, and Aan Sang Su Kyi is in jail. In Musharrafism, Benazir and Nawaj are in exile. Looks like our guy has introduced something new. The virus has mutated.

In The News

Govt okays RNA’s proposal to buy two MI-17 choppers NepalNews
Students, police clash at Trichandra Campus
Giri’s remark an attempt to prolong autocratic rule: Leaders
Election symbols of only nationally recognized parties secure: EC
Maoist atrocities still ongoing: RNA
Government returns equipment of Kantipur FM
Former PM Deuba keeps himself busy in the custody
“US Prez’s letter not going to work”: Koirala
Govt not to hold talks with the Maoists: Dr Giri
India concerned about Chinese arms supply to Nepal: Mukherjee
Students organise sit-in against NSU reshuffle
ANNISU-R leader produced before SC
Melamchi project under review: ADB
Students urge to repeal NSU ad-hoc committee
Home Minister Thapa warns parties
Bhutan king to step down after three years
NC reconstitutes NSU central committee
King grants audience to Moriarty
Dozens `arrested’ in Chitwan, situation returns to normalcy
UML Gen Secy urges King to accept Constituent Assembly
Thapa did not commit suicide: HURON
Bhattarai urges King to return power to people
Media Ordinance constitutional: Government
2008 will be a significant moment in Bhutan's history, says India NewKerala.com
Democracy gets royal sanction Hindustan Times, India
King's decision to give up rule shocks Bhutan Times of India, India
Bhutan looks at controlled democracy Reuters.uk, UK

Proposed Constitution

Proposed Constitution

Preamble

1. Nepal is a federal republic, a total, transparent democracy, with the sovereignty resting with the Nepali people.

Article 1: The Legislative Branch

1. There is to be a lower house, the Pratinidhi Sabha, with 180 members, 60 per state, and a upper house, the Rajya Sabha, with 60 members, 20 per state, all of whom are to be directly elected through constituencies demarcated such that the largest has a population not more than 5% of the smallest, geographically in close approximation to a circle or a square, and protected from partisan gerrymandering by an autonomous Election Commission. The constituencies need not respect district boundaries. Three constituencies for the Pratinidhi Sabha will make one for the Rajya Sabha. The entire Sabha is dissolved en masse when its term nears expiration.
2. The Pratinidhi Sabha will have reserved seats for the four groups, Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati and Mahila, 10%, 20%, 10%, and 25% with some overlaps. So the half of the seats for women will cut across that of these four groups as well. For example, of the 10% seats for Dalits, 25% of them will have to be women. And the 10% for Dalits will be half in the Terai, but that is not to cut into the Madhesi reserved seats. 10, 20, 15 and 25 are half the supposed shares of the populations of these groups, to be revised each census. The reservation for a group is discontinued once its share in the Pratinidhi Sabha hits 80% of its share in the national population. When identifying the seats for the Dalit, Madhesi and Janajati, the Election Commission will seek constituencies where the groups have their largest share of populations. No three contiguous seats may be reserved seats.
   
3. Other than the specified groups, the Muslims will get 2%. The Newars will get one seat in the Kathmandu valley.
   
4. All matters of national importance are to be decided by the national parliament through a majority vote unless otherwise stated. Parliamentary procedures are to be laid out or revised with a 60% vote margin.
5. The legislatures are to elect their Speakers and Deputy Speakers. The legislatures shall assemble at least once every four months, and as often as necessary.
   
6. No parliamentarian may be arrested while the parliament might be in session except for felony charges. Their speech in parliament is protected from any and all oversight, legal and otherwise.
7. A simple majority of the parliament will pass the budget. All budget proposals must originate in the Pratinidhi Sabha.
   
8. All bills must be posted online in three languages - Nepali, Hindi and English - for at least one week before they may be voted upon.
9. All regional and international treaties that Nepal might enter into will have to pass a 60% majority in the parliament.
10. Political parties may not engage in fund-raising activities. Instead each national party, described as those that garnered at least 3% of the votes in the previous nationwide parliamentary elections, will get an annual sum that will be directly proportional to the number of votes it earned. That money is to be used for party-building and electioneering activities. Details of expenses are to be posted online in the three languages to the last paisa on at least an annual basis.
    
11. The Election Commission holds secret ballot elections for party leadership for each national party. Tickets for all elections are distributed by parties through democratic methods involving members at or below the said level in the organization.
    
12. The Election Commission puts in place ceilings as to election expenditures. Independent candidates may not raise money, but may spend their own money that may not exceed the amount of the party candidate spending the most money. Once elected independent candidates may not join a national party for at least one year.
13. A party may not charge its members more than Rs 36 a year.
    
14. Every person on the state's payroll - elected officials, bureaucrats, justices, police, army personnel - is to submit a Family Property Statement, to be posted online and archived and updated annually. Upon exiting the public sector, they may discontinue the practice, but the archives will remain, and the updates will resume should the individuals re-enter public service.
15. Details of all expenses incurred by the state, to the last paisa, are to be posted online in the three languages. All contracts offered by the state to the private sector are to be bid for in a similar transparent manner from beginning to the end. All job applications and promotions in the public sector are to be similarly handled in a transparent manner.
16. All formal political deliberations at all levels of government are to be posted online in as real time as possible in the language that was used at the venue. Efforts are to be made to make the same available in Nepali, Hindi and English. All votes are to be similarly made public. This is to start with the four parliaments at stage one.
    
17. Every elected official at all levels of government is to get a decent monthly salary.
18. Anyone above the age of 16 is a legible voter. Members of the Pratinidhi Sabha will have to be at least 23 years of age, and that of the Rajya Sabha at least 25 years of age. The terms of members of the two bodies shall last four and six years respectively. All elected officials are to have been citizens.
19. Acts of impeachment require a vote of 65%. This constitution can be amended by the same vote margin.
20. The parliamentarians may not increase their salaries in a way that might affect the members of the existing class. The same applies to the salaries of members of the cabinet.
21. The parliament may create, merge and dissolve ministries, agencies and commissions as necessary.
    

Article 2: The Executive Branch

1. The Prime Minister is directly elected by the people. If a candidate not earn 50% of the votes, a second round is to be held within a month of the first when the two top candidates contest. The Prime Minister serves a four year term.
   
2. A candidate has to be a citizen.
   
3. The Prime Minister may elect members to the Cabinet that might or might not be members of the parliament. But if a MP get into the cabinet, that parliamentary seat goes vacant.
   
4. The Prime Minister makes nominations to the Supreme Court and other constitutional bodies like the Election Commission (EC) and the Commission to Control Corruption (CCC) - both of which are autonomous - to be confirmed by a 60% vote in the parliament. The commissioners serve 6-year terms.
5. The army, to be called the Nepal Army, is not to be larger than 0.1% of the national population and is to be downsized accordingly within 5 years of this constitution getting promulgated. The Prime Minister is the Commander-In-Chief of the army.
6. The central bank is to be autonomous, and the governor, to serve a six-year term, is to be appointed by the Prime Minister, subject to a 60% vote in the parliament.
7. All appointments made by the Prime Minster, except for his or her personal staff, will need a majority vote in the parliament for confirmation, unless otherwise stated.
8. The Prime Minister signs bills passed by the parliament. The Prime Minister may also be the originator of bills to the parliament.
   
9. The Prime Minister may send back a bill passed by the parliament. But if the parliament send it back to him with a 60% vote, he has to sign it.
   
10. If the Prime Minister not respond to a bill within 10 days of it having been sent to him, it is to be assumed signed.
    

Article 3: The Judiciary Branch

1. The judiciary will reflect the composition of the government, from village/town to district, to state to the national level. Towns and cities with more than 25,000 people will be served with more than one court, the number to be decided through a formula by the state government. There will be a layer between the district and the state levels, the Appeals Court, 10 per state. The system is to be peopled like the civil service, on merit.
2. The Prime Minister makes nominations to the national Supreme Court. The Chief Minister makes nominations to the State Supreme Court. Both are subject to their respective parliaments for 60% of the vote. Justices to the Supreme Court are to serve to the age of 75 or upto their voluntary retirement.
3. The state and national Supreme Courts interpret the constitutionality of laws passed by the parliaments when thus challenged, but such interpretations may be overturned by the parliaments through a 65% vote.
4. The parliament, federal or state, may not diminish the salary of a sitting judge.
   

Article 4: The States

1. The current "zones" and "development regions" are to be abolished, but the "districts" are to be retained. The country is to be divided into three states, roughly of equal population, Eastern, Central, and Western, to be called Koshi, Gandaki, and Karnali, that are to include all three geographical regions, Terai, Pahad and Himal, and based on the three river basins. Each state is to have a Pratinidhi Sabha, 120 members, and a Rajya Sabha, 40 members.
2. The districts will have their own governments, forming a third layer, named Zillapalika. It is for each state to design the formation and functioning of its component district and town/city governments. The village units are to be called Grampalika, the town units are to be called Nagarpalika, and the city units Mahanagarpalika, and will form the fourth layer of government. District, town/city and village elected officials are to be at least 21 years of age.
3. The federal government will directly transfer 10% of its annual budget to the 25 poorest districts measured by per capita income. This does not prevent further federal expenditures on those districts.
4. The income tax structure is to be as follows: 50% federal, 30% state, 10% district, and 10% village/town/city. The income tax is to be collected by the federal government, and funds transferred by the same to the other levels of government as per this formula.
5. The federal revenue from all sources other than income tax is also to be similarly allocated. 50% stays at the federal level, the rest goes to the three states equally. Each state is also to send out 40% of its non income tax budget directly to the districts in direct proportion to the population of each district.
   
6. The education system shall follow a tri-lingual policy up to Class 10, beyond which it is for each individual institution to decide on their own as to the language of instruction. The first language is to be the student's first language, the second language is to be Nepali. For those for whom Nepali might be their first language, the student may choose any language spoken in Nepal. The third language is to be English, the contemporary language of science and commerce. This policy applies to schools in both the private and the public sectors. The language of instruction for all other subjects to Class 10 will be a decision to be made by the individual school boards for the public schools and by the owners of the private schools.
   

Article 5: President, Governors

1. Every elected official in the country is to vote for a President who is to serve a five-year term and is to be the guardian of the constitution. A block of at least 30% of the national parliament may make nominations for the candidacy. When there are more than two candidates, the one who gets the most votes wins.
2. Each state is to similarly elect a Governor.
   
3. The parliament may not diminish the salary of a sitting president or governor.

Article 6: The Individual

1. The individual is the most important component of the state and is to be protected and celebrated.
   
2. Every person has a birth right to freedom of speech, freedom of peaceful assembly, freedom of religion, a right to a speedy, public trial, and a right to privacy, a protection from unreasonable searches and seizures. No person may be tried and punished for the same crime twice. No person will be compelled to testify against themselves. No person will be deprived of life, liberty or propety without due process of law. Private property may not be taken for public use without due compensation. Excessive bail shall not be required, nor excessive fines imposed, nor cruel and unusual punishments inflicted. The privilege of the Writ of Habeas Corpus shall not be suspended. No ex post facto law shall be passed. No warrants are to be issued, except upon probable cause, and should specifically describe the place to be searched, and the persons or things to be seized. A person charged with a crime is to have compulsory process for obtaining witnesses in his or her favor, and is to have the Assistance of Counsel for his or her defence.
3. Every person born in Nepal is a citizen of Nepal. But this does not prevent people not born in Nepal from seeking Nepali citizenship.
4. Every person is equal under the law. Any law that might conflict with that fundamental premise will become null and void as soon as this constitution takes effect.
5. No person shall be taxed more than 40% of their income by all levels of government put together. Those in the bottom 40% income brackets are not to pay any direct taxes.
6. No business may be taxed more than 30% of its income, and businesses in the bottom 30% income brackets will not pay any taxes. All business expenses are tax write-offs.
7. The sales tax may not exceed 10% and is to be collected by the state.
8. Elections at all levels are to be organized on Saturdays.
9. No citizen of age may be barred from voting for whatever reason.
10. It is a stated goal of the state to make possible lifelong education for every person in the country through creative partnerships between the private and public sectors, and through creative uses of the internet. The state shall also attempt to provide universal access to secondary education and primary health care, free of cost. The secondary education provision applies to people in all age groups.
    
11. The state shall attempt to provide universal access to micro-credit to all in the bottom 40% income brackets.
12. All persons that might enter into agreements, either in the private or the public sector, to access credit will have the option to declare bankruptcy as a last resort. Money owed by an individual, as opposed to by a business or a corporation, may not be passed on to the next generation. Indentured servitude is an illegal form of collecting money owed by an individual or family. Money owed may not be paid for through manual labor. Any person, group or organization, lending money on interest, the total of which is larger than Rs 20,000, to be indexed to inflation as calculated every five years and rounded to the nearest thousand, is to register as a small business owner, and will be subject to taxation and regulation.
13. All educational institutions, public and private, must have at least 10% of its students on need-based full scholarships. Institutions may also opt to have 5% on such full scholarships, and 10% on need-based half scholarships, or 5% on full, 6% on half, and 6% on one-third scholarships. But at no time should the proportion of full scholarships dip below 5%.
14. Employees of the state in the education and health sectors will be paid salaries that are at least 10% larger than to those with similar qualifications serving in other fields.
15. An accurate, scientific census is to be conducted every 10 years, and scientific projections are to be made for the intervening years.
    

Article 7: Capitals

1. The national capital is to be shifted from Kathmandu to the Chitwan valley within 10 years of this constitution getting promulgated.
   
2. Udaypur Valley, Chitwan Valley, and Surkhet Valley will respectively serve as the capitals for Kosi, Gandaki and Karnali.

Proposed Constitution (November 17)
Proposed Constitution (September 3)
Proposed Democratic Republican Constitution (August 12)
Janata Dal Constitution (August 8)
Proposed Constitution (June 18)
Reorganized UN, Proposed Constitution, Methods (May 30)
Proposed Constitution (May 3)
Shortcut To A New Constitution, Shortcut To Peace (April 8)
This Inadequate, Improper, Insufficient 1990 Constitution (April 4)

Phone Talk With Girija Koirala: Meeting History Itself

I got to talk to Girija Koirala earlier, not long back.

My first sentence to Bill Clinton was “Mr. President, you are Elvis.”

My first sentence to Girija Koirala was “To be able to talk to you feels like having entered a museum.” The entire time I was on the phone with him I kept thinking, this is the closest to BP Koirala I will ever get. BP Koirala has a place in Nepali history that no other political figures does, certainly no king. That is for sure. But Girija Koirala is more than BP Koirala’s brother. BP had more than one brother: none of them attained Girija’s stature, and there is a reason why.

Much is made of Girija never having gone to college, as in by US standards. Some of the legends in American business have been college dropouts: Bill Gates, Larry Ellison, Warren Buffett, Steve Jobs, to name a few. We call them borderline geniuses. Not that I am suggesting Girija is a genius, although at one point I wrote a satire comparing his House revival idea to Newton’s theory of gravitation, as in to suggest the House revival idea was holding everything down! (Newton, Apples, And Girija's House Revival Idea)

At some level Girija’s reach into his party the Nepali Congress might be even deeper than that of BP Koirala himself. BP was a visionary, an intellectual, a towering one on that. But he was not much of a nuts and bolts man. Politics is a contact sport. You have to deal with petty people. BP steered above that too much, too well. Also he was ahead of his times. So he did not get to enjoy power like he deserved to. BP is the biggest and the easiest reason I dislike Mahendra. Mahendra deprived Nepal of BP: that is his crime. If Nepal had been a democracy 1960 onwards, I think it would have emerged a small scale Asian tiger, economically speaking.

BP was unlucky in many ways. But there was one luck he had. BP once called Girija a “Hawaldar,” a police constable. In actuality, Girija was and is BP’s Hanuman. Girija’s devotion has been as much to the cause of democracy as to BP, and somewhere in there gets mixed the love of one brother for another. That is one powerful combination.

The Gandhi family in India did put decades into the fight for independence. But it also enjoyed almost four and more decades in power. The Koirala family, on the other hand, has largely been in the wilderness. And the founding father BP did not even get to taste it, not even one full term.

BP had a hard time coming to terms with Mahendra’s pettiness. You only have to compare Mahendra’s third grade poems to BP’s major novels to see the obvious difference between the two. A system that puts Mahendra onto the throne and throws BP into jail is so obviously wrong. It is not even worth debating. If BP would only have written his novels and done nothing else, he would still have found himself in the same class as people like Laxmi Prasad Devkota.

If Nepal ever gave birth to its proudest son, it was BP. Buddha and BP. What a ridiculous country that BP was mostly either in jail or in exile. Nepal turned BP into an orphan. Karna was disowned.

But Girija really is more than BP’s brother. Girija has been an organization man. He has this magical grip on his party. He generates this intense loyalty from his cadres. When you look at the 1990s, it is so obvious Girija outshined even when Krishna Prasad Bhattarai and Sher Bahadur Deuba became Prime Minister. Girija let them. But his Mps always maintained this fierce loyalty to him: it was almost animal. This man knows organization like few others in Nepali politics do. Yes, Girija has been capable of the petty. You wish BP had been. Maybe we would have had to see less of Mahendra.

At my blog I have been very critical of Girija. But it has always been a policy difference, not a personal dislike. Though I am not a Nepali Congress person, I am a Sadbhavana person. Social justice means to me what democracy means to Girija. And post-democracy there is going to be a healthy competition between the Nepali Congress and the Sadbhavana.

But then there is the ANTA, Association of Nepali Teraian in America. When it got founded, I got invited to hold some kind of a central office. I declined. I have been instrumental in launching the New York City and Baltimore-DC chapters of the ANTA. But I have refused to hold any official title with them. ANTA is a social, cultural organization. It is not politically hard core enough for me.

But Girija is. He is hard core. I identify with him. It is like the bond one soccer player might feel for another. I do have that for Girija. I feel that affinity.

Girija Koirala is a player.

I have been trying to get hold of his phone number for a while now. I sent out emails to people who had it. They did not email it to me. Access is power. I did not take all that too personally. But then I got to talk to Amik Sherchan yesterday. And towards the end of the conversation he asked me for my contact info. After I learned he was not into email, I proceeded to give him my phone number. Then I casually said I did have the numbers of five of the seven leaders. I did not have the numbers for Gopal Man Shrestha and Girija Koirala. Will he please give them to me? I knew he had them. He gave them to me, two numbers for Girija Babu.

The first two calls I placed, one got me a busy tone, the other phone did not get picked. This evening the call went through. Someone else picked the phone, some male. No, it was not Sujata.

I paid him my respects, and then requested a few minutes of his time for the few questions I had.

He first gave me a brief synposis of where he felt the movement was. He said the movement was now spreading all across the country. It was in Kathmandu, but now it was also in the districts. The goal was to boycott the February 8 polls, he said.

I asked him why he insisted that the 1999 House be revived.

He said it is important to seek continuity through the 1990 constitution that was an agreement between the people and the king. This was important for the history of the Nepali Congress. If the 1990 constitution is ditched so unceremoniously, that is like wiping out the entire history of the Congress. He said the House revival idea important for his party’s identity and history.

“They tried to erase our history in 2017 B.S.”

Nepal’s history started with Prithvi Narayan Shah, he said. The 1990 constitution is an important element of that continuity.

I said he and his party were already for a constituent assembly. That is like saying you are for a new constitution for the country. Is that not so?

He said that is true, but it is possible to go towards that new constitution through the old constitution.

I said what if instead we were to have an interim government like that of Kisunji’s in 1990 that will take the country towards a new constitution.

“But Kisunji’s interim government had the powers of the executive, the legislative, as well as the judiciary. If the king will agree to that, then of course, sure.”

So you are saying if such an interim government were possible, you will let go the House revival stand?

“Yes,” he said.

Let’s say this king is a ridiculous, nonsense person, and instead of the king coming around to the interim government, it is given birth to by a revolution.

“If it be through a revolution, why only an interim government,” Girija Babu said. “If a revolution were to take the country to a republic itself, why would I have any problems with that?”

“Ganatantra aye awos!”

Then I thanked him for his time. I said you are a busy man, I do not wish to take too much of your time.

“Jaya Nepal,” he said, ever the dutiful, loyal Nepali Congress soldier.

“Jaya Nepal,” I said to a man who is history himself talking.

I could not believe my ears at the end of it all. Girija sounded more reasonable and nuanced and flexible on the House revival stand than many of the other leaders in the seven party coalition who pretend to have been bullied into it by Girija.

Girija is not being obstinate. He is being practical. He does not have the luxury to get too ahead of the movement itself.

This talk with Girija Koirala also opens up doors and windows for me. I am going to keep calling the top dogs in the seven party coalition. I want to be part of the conversation as they take their 12 point agreement to the next step.

The country needs a fundamental bipolarization. First the seven parties and the Maoists have to come up with a program that they are both fully behind, and feel comfortable with. And the Citizens Movement for Democracy and Peace (CMDP) has to come around to accepting the leadership of the seven parties, to the idea of joint programs. Of the four projects we in the diaspora are involved with, two are to do with the CMDP, and two are to do with the seven party coalition. The idea is to bring those two forces together.

One pole, the king. Another, the seven parties, the Maoists, and the CMDP.

The external work has already been done. The king is isolated globally. He is a persona non grata on the world stage. He can be isolated even further, if need be. The bipolarization will also isolate him inside the country. He is going to have to do business or get out of the way.

This is not about Girija Koirala or Madhav Kumar Nepal, although they are important and indispensable vehicles. This is about the 27 million people of Nepal. This is about democracy. The Nepali people are too good not to have it. Not even kings can get in the way, especially kings.

Girija Babu, my salutes to you. You are a soldier of democracy. Please let go the House revival stand in exchange for the Maoists letting go of their army totally before the country goes through a constituent assembly. Let’s move straight for an interim government. When the revolution enters its peak, we can get that interim government on our own, with or without the king coming along to the idea. Nothing and nobody can erase your personal history, or the personal history of your brother, the Mahamanav BP Koirala, and most certainly not the history of the Nepali Congress. Your party gets major credit for the 1990 constitution which was most definitely a democratic constitution, no doubts about that. But now is the time and opportunity for your party to reinvent itself and lay major claim also to the next constitution this country will have. If you do it right, perhaps your broken party will reunite, perhaps the smaller parties will merge into your party, and perhaps your party will emerge the largest party all over again.

Your party has laid claim to democracy. It perhaps can also lay claim to social justice.

But it all really starts with your letting go the House revival stand. Enough waiting. Time for the next step. Let’s move straight towards an interim government of the seven parties.

18, 7, 4, 12, 10

18 Point Agenda Of The Five Parties

1) Referendum.

2) Secularism.

3) Abrogation of the Raj Sabha Standing Committee.

4) Limiting royal title to king, queen and crown prince. Hierarchy of PM would jump up to 4th position, from current 13th.

5) Put an end to practice of constitutional monarch to enact laws as part of royal discretion.

6) Put functioning of Royal Palace under domain of Ministry of Royal Palace.

7) Publicising property owned by reigning monarch at regular intervals.

8) RNA will be put strictly under command of government.

9) Change national anthem, which will reflect pride, national unity and patriotism.

10) Parliament will be evolved along strong lines with huge powers.

11) Parliament will be deemed to be automatically revived just in case elections can't be held.

12) Drastic measures to bring about socio-economic transformation by suggesting, among others, dealing with Maoist insurgency.

13) Measures be taken to ameliorate lot of women, Dalits, members of ethnic communities and those who have contributed to task of nation-building.

14) Following non-aligned and UN friendly foreign policy. .

15) Decentralisation of governance.

16) Addressing issues linked with issuance of citizenship certificates.

17) Restructure National Assembly to broaden ethnic, caste and regional representation.

18) Make bureaucracy transparent and to effectively control corruption.

7 Point Program, January 6, 2004, King Gyanendra

1) National consensus

2) Peace and security

3) Corruption control

4) People-oriented administration

5) National solidarity

6) Free and fair election

7) An all-party government

Seven Party Coalition, 2005

(1) Revive House

(2) Form all party government

(3) Peace talks with Maoists

(4) Elections to a Constituent Assembly.


Prachanda Statement (12 Point Agreement Of the 7 Parties And The Maoists)

10 Point Agreement To Succeed 12 Point Agreement (My Proposal To The Eight Parties)

Follow The Money

Stephen Bezruchka sabez@u.washington.edu
King of Nepal's earnings proprtion compared to other country heads
Date: Mon, 12 Dec 2005 09:13:15 -0800 (PST)

When I was in Nepal, people were leaving Bajura because they were starving. But the royal family seems to be OK. Stephen

How much money does Nepali king earn?

Dear Nepali citizens and foreign lovers of Nepal, You might be wondering why Nepal is still poor when its countries of equal economic status has reached the sky with booming economic development. Let me try to answer - this is one of the reason, I have recently found.

Nepal is one of the poorest counries of the world but Nepal's king is the highest paid king of the world.

The income of Nepali king Gyanendra Bir Bikram Shah Dev is :
-2,426 times higher than that of Chinese president
-318 times higher than that of Indian president 301 times higher than that of Pakistani president
-173 times higher than that of Russian president
-57 times higher than that of French president
-15 times higher than that of British president 10 times higher than that of American president

-Netherlands queen's income : Rs. 22,32,00,000 (per capita income Rs 17,25,120 )
-American president earns Rs. 3,24,00,000 (1,15,20,000 returns in tax), (per capita income Rs 25,24,320)
-Japanese king earns Rs. 22,23,52,000 (per capita income Rs.24,15,600)
-Chinese president earns Rs. 1,35,000 (per capita income Rs 67,680)
-Indian president earns Rs. 10,11,000 (per capita income Rs 34,560)
-French president earns Rs 57,96,000 (per capita income Rs 15,84,000)
-Pakistani president earns (after the coup) Rs 10,94,000 (per capita income 29,520)
-British Queen does not get any salary from the state. She has a property of Rs 30,24,00,00,000 (the profit of investiment, after paying the tax, is hers) but even her neckless is the property of the country.
-British president earns Rs 2,19,58,000 (per capita income is Rs 18,16,200)
-Russian president earns Rs 19,03,000 (per capita income is Rs 1,54,000)
-Belgean king receives salary as a civil servant (per capita income is Rs 16,74,000)

And, Nepali king earns Rs 61,91,00,000 (per capita income is Rs 16,560=US$ 230) [This means the Nepali king earns Rs. 19,878 times higher than a citizen. Last year it was 37,385 times higher. Thus a citizen can earn as much as the king earns in a year only after working for 19,000 years or in 316 lives. Ho la!]

Appendix

Nepali royal family is involved in various business. A king does not have to pay tax according to Nepal's constitution. The present king has inherited the property of earlier king's family and nobody knows how much it is. This king has taken Rs 1,06,45,00,000 in past three years for his small family.

Courtsey: Surya Thapa, Mulyankan Monthly (Nov-Dec 2005) US dollar 1 = Rs 72 Nepal has a writing system of giving comma after two digits except the last.

REQUEST: PEASE PRINT THIS AND PASTE IT ON THE NOTICE BOARD OF YOUR OFFICE. THIS WILL GIVE ANSWER TO THE QUEST WHY NEPAL IS ALWAYS SO POOR. PLEASE CIRCULATE THIS PAGE TO YOUR FRIEND - YOU WILL NOT GET ANY FORTUNE BUT WILL CERTAINLY OPEN THEIR EYES.

Thanks,
Nepali Janata

In The News

Over 100 arrested in Kathmandu valley, dozens injured in clashes NepalNews The pain of Nagarkot in Nepali media Don’t play with fire Nepali Times .... The massacre at Nagarkot on Wednesday night drives home the point that continued militarisation can have unintended and tragic consequences. This was not just one drunken soldier running amok, it is symptomatic of a deeper malaise in a military-minded political class that believes everything can be resolved with force..... • How many other soldiers were with Sgt Basudeb Thapa when he returned to the temple with the assault rifle? • Why was he carrying a gun while in civvies? • Doesn’t the RNA have a policy on drunkenness of its soldiers while on furlough? • Not that this makes any difference now, but did Basudeb kill himself or was he shot by a fellow-soldier? • Why was he allowed to check out a gun at the barracks when everyone could see he was drunk? • Why was someone with a history of violence-prone drunkenness allowed to keep serving in the army? .... Given the frequency of such behaviour in the past, it is clear Nagarkot was just waiting to happen...... no commission will address the culture of arrogance, violence and hierarchical indiscipline that was tolerated and gave rise to such atrocities...... the militarisation that the country is going through ...... Once more, our myopic political parties frustrated by the lack of public support for their agitation are trying to make hay while the sun shines by trying to jumpstart their anti-king agitation...... This is nothing new, they have been known for political opportunism and irresponsible incitement while in power, they did it on 1 September when they unleashed Nepal’s first ever politically-coordinated communal pogrom. And now they are playing with fire again by unleashing terror on the streets that could easily turn ethnic.......
SC empowers women to sell their property at their own wish
Students, police clash in Nepal strike over killings Reuters AlertNet, UK
Strike over killings hits Nepal capital Aljazeera.net
Nepal parties call general strike against killings Stuff.co.nz
Nepal in ferment over massacre NewKerala.com
Killings spark violent anti-King demonstrations in Nepal Outlook (subscription), India
Nepal soldier kills 12, protest turns anti-King Indian Express, India
Nepal's Opposition Stages Emergency-Rule Protest in Kathmandu Bloomberg

20,000 And 100,000 And Clarity

On December 2 the UML held a rally in Baneshwar and 100,000 people or more showed up. Yesterday it was the seven party coalition at the same place with over 20,000 people.

Before that the UML managed to show 100,000 people in a place like Butwal. It was able to mobilize a few districts at once. The UML also had impressive shows in other places.

A few days after the UML rally on December 2, the Nepali Congress had a poor rally in Biratnagar, supposedly a bastion. The crowd size was more like 20,000. It was a much smaller crowd it showed in Bhaktapur.

What is going on? For one, the ground reality is that the Nepali Congress is no longer the largest party in the country after its vertical split.

But then if the UML can get 100,000 people, for the seven parties it should be 100,000 plus. But instead the numbers go down drastically. What's going on?

I think it has everything to do with a fundamental lack of clarity and coordination.

The UML has clarity. It has come out for a democratic republic.

But the seven party coalition has been held hostage by the Nepali Congress. That alliance is not even solidly behind a constituent assembly, let alone a democratic republic. Girija's plan is to revive the House and then revive the 1990 constitution. You don't need a revolution for that. If that be your goal, you are better off participating in the king's elections.

The Nepali Congress has a right to pick and choose its political stances. That is what democracy is. It can pick the leader it wants, it can pick its ideology, it can make its policy choices. But instead of secretly fantasizing about reviving the 1990 constitution, the Congress has the option to pick parts of the 1990 constitution it likes and then fight for those elements in the next constitution. A constituent assembly will allow that.

The seven party alliance does not have to come out for a democratic republic, but it does have to unequivocally come out for a constituent assembly. That it has not. Unless the House revival stance is ditched, the alliance's commitment to the constituent assembly is suspect.

That is not me preaching. That is what the people seem to be saying with their feet. Just look at the numbers.

The people are not afraid of the king, the army, the police or with Tulsi Giri. The people are not afraid. But they need a clarity of vision from the seven party alliance that has so far been missing.

An interim government under an interim constitution that will take the country to a constituent assembly is clarity of vision. The House revival idea is not. This is not a minor issue. This is the key issue. This is what is holding everything back. This is what made the king's misadventures possible. This has been the blunder of the decade.

The House revival idea does not excite people. That idea does not fire their imagination.

Autocracy is wrong, a communist republic would be wrong, but the 1990s were no heaven. The House revival idea is a promise to take the country to the past. The past was not that good. The people want to move towards the future, a bright future. A constituent assembly would be that bright future.

And the seven party alliance needs to have a permanent committee of seven individuals that meets at least once a week. No such thing exists. No wonder there tends to be little coordination.

But then there is a mirror image of the same among the diaspora Nepalis.

For the longest time the prevailing mood was that only moral support was to be extended. Organizations would labor to put out press statements. Those too would be few and far between.

Finally there was this shift of mood. Moral as well as logistical support was to be extended. That was nothing akin to the Maoists moving from a communist republic to a democratic republic. And I feel that more strongly more time that passes.

Then the next big achievement was to identify these five projects that we were going to work on, and we are working on.

I took that one step further. I said:

(1) Join one of the five projects, donate $100: Nepal 5, Nepal 1000.
(2) Critique the Proposed Constitution.

And the house collapsed. I got kicked out of the online forum: NDF Owner, Stop This Nonsense, Reinstate Immediately. I think I have some idea now how Baburam Bhattarai might have felt under "protective custody."

What offended people? People made no secret of the fact that I was looking like a leader, and they were offended. (Time For Madhesi Militancy Is Now)

I had been incorporating all suggestions that were being brought forth. I suggested raising money online and I created a webpage. There was this major hue and cry. I incorporated literally every single alternate idea that came along. Why? Money is good no matter how you raise it. All money raising ideas are good as long as money gets raised and book keeping is transparent, some at the level of all peoples, some only at the committee level.

People complained I seemed to be getting a lot of publicity and was looking like the leader. I suggested a cloud model of group dynamics, not because I am publicity shy, but because I concluded that would be the most efficient, effective way. Your "glow" in the galaxy is directly proportional to your activity level. And there was to be no barrier to entry at any level of involvement for anyone.

Level 1: You are committed to the democracy cause. (90%)
Level 2: You are for democracy, but the democracy movement is a spectator sport for you. You will watch, or you will watch and whine. (70%)
Level 3: You are for it, and you would like to actively contribute. (20%)
Level 4: Show up for your local Every Sunday 11 AM solidarity meeting. (5%)
Level 5: Donate $100, and then sit back and watch how that money goes into one of the 5 projects. (2%)
Level 6: Join one of the 5 teams. (0.1%)
Level 7: Become a Project Manager of one of the 5 teams. (0.01%)
Level 8: Be part of more than one project.
Level 9: Be part of all projects.
Level 10: Be part of all levels and all projects, and constantly be looking at the big picture.

I guess this would be put me at level 10. But that is still not a pyramid. Why? Because there is no barrier to entry for anyone at any level. Nothing prevents anyone else from also getting involved at Level 10. You will have access to the same news sources, the same discussions, the same data, the same numbers, many of the same people, many of the same phone numbers. The more the merrier. It truly is.

But then there are hitherto unnamed people who secretly believe they are the chairpersons of the whole thing. That would not be as offensive if they were actually putting in some work. But to them it is a status thing. Work or no work, they are at the top. And they don't even have names, many of them.

The work has been slightly disrupted, temporarily, but it has not been stopped.

I am going to keep working the underground to try and get me reinstated to the Nepal Democracy Forum. But I already have had people call me and suggest the comments sections of this very blog would be a better forum. For one, it would be open. I dig the idea, kind of. There are less than five active people at that forum in the first place. This blog has a much wider readership than that forum.

But I do want to be reinstated.

Another thing that came up is quite a few people at that forum are leery of attaching their names to the work being done. It is perfectly okay for them to work anonymously or to not work at all. But they go one step further: they stop the work! They get in the way! They will not do it themselves, and they will not let others do it. And these are people with sound democratic credentials. Speed of execution of plans is not an issue to some of these revolutionaries.

I believe I have given sound answers to every single criticism that got heaped my way. And if there are more, I would be more than happy to take them in the comments section right here. Criticisms on fundraising methods, criticisms on hiearchies within the movement work, I have dealt with them all. If you want to glow brighter than me, put in the hours. Don't begrudge that I am glowing. As far as I am concerned, publicity is the biggest chunk of the work. The more noise we make, the better for the freedom fighters in Nepal. So don't be complaining that we are partly succeeding.

And there is to be no compromise on free speech. It is weird that so many Nepalis with such advanced degrees from major American institutions do not get free speech. Free speech does not come with ifs and buts. I have heard some really weird excuses. "Oh, but we are family." "We are just a group of friends." "What you are saying is right, what is not right is the way you are saying it." "Such and such has such and such degree from such and such place." It is okay to say all those things and more, but it is not okay to say that or anything else and go ahead and curb free speech. If you disagree, you express your disagreement, you don't proceed to shut up the other person.

Maybe the seven party alliance and the diaspora Nepalis are not that different from each other.

Write A Thank You Email To Congressman Walsh

rep.james.walsh@mail.house.gov

Thank you for your support for Nepal

Congressman Walsh.

I just read in news your explicit support for the democracy loving people of Nepal. I also learned you did a Peace Corps stint in Nepal.

Please keep up your staunch support to the democracy movement, and please get others on Capitol Hill to join you in a big way. All your colleagues should make five minutes of time for Nepal. They can't afford not to. Spreading democracy is and always has been a security issue for America.

I thank you, Sir.

Paramendra Bhagat
Brooklyn, NY


I just sent this and I think you should too.


Let people decide what they want: US Congressman Nepalnews.com, Nepal Interacting with the journalists through video conferencing at the US Centre in Kathmandu on Thursday, Walsh said, “Let the people decide whether to adopt a new constitution or retain the existing one” ...... Expressing dissatisfaction over the king’s moves, Walsh further said, “We are deeply disappointed over his actions like attack on civil liberties, press freedoms and others,” adding, “The political consultation we provide to the king is to restore such rights.” ...... the congressman said that bringing Maoists to mainstream politics was urgent ...... restoration of civil liberties, works towards restoration of democratic process still are the US conditions for arms supply to Nepal...... Speaking on the occasion, Director for the South Asian Affairs at the US state Department, Steve J Blake, said that US has no problem with the idea of inviting foreign mediation in Nepal's peace process if the King and parties agree to do so....... questioned the credibility of proposed polls in the absence of broader public liberties and freedom to express their views.....
Nepalis should decide their destiny: US Congressman Kantipur Online
Walsh is known as money man here Rochester Democrat and Chronicle, NY After nearly 17 years in office, the genial Republican from Onondaga, Onondaga County, has become one of the most powerful money men in the House...... New York state Democrats acknowledge that Walsh — who won with 91 percent of the vote in 2004 and 72 percent in 2002 — will be tough to beat as he seeks a 10th term next year...... Democrats who work with Walsh on the Appropriations Committee said he is seen as bipartisan. "He puts the interests of veterans above partisan politics," said Rep. Chet Edwards, D-Texas, the senior Democrat on Walsh's subcommittee..... Walsh, a moderate, said he tries to avoid the ideological battles that divide many of his colleagues. The 58-year-old former social worker and Peace Corps volunteer spends his spare time on the Hill trying to promote democracy in Nepal and peace in Northern Ireland.... . "I don't particularly like to fight with people," Walsh said. "Maybe it comes from being a middle child and trying to get along with everybody."...... "I've learned that with enough patience and perseverance, you can usually get what you want." ...... US: Talks possible only if rebels give up arms Gorkhapatra, Nepal Congressman James Walsh (R), another speaker in the discussion on “Congress, US Foreign Policy and Nepal” organised by the American Center at the American Library this evening, said that the Maoist revolution in Nepal is a bad thing as there can be no private army in democracy, adding that dialogues with the Maoists would be possible only if they lay down their weapons..... Walsh was a Peace Corps volunteer from 1970-72 and visited Nepal many other times later and Blake served as a consular officer at the US Embassy in Kathmandu from 1994-1996...... he wanted to see a democratic and peaceful Nepal. “But we can’t force for that to happen.” ..... Blake suggested to first solve the current political problem that would give constitutional forces strength to deal with the Maoists......

Walsh, Jim - 25th District An avid sportsman who hunts, fishes, and skis on a regular basis, Mr. Walsh and his wife live in the Town of Onondaga, a suburb of Syracuse. They have three adult children, Jed, Ben and Maureen, and are parishioners of Most Holy Rosary Church. Mr. Walsh's father, William F. Walsh, served as Mayor of Syracuse from 1961-69, and as a member of the U.S. House of Representatives from Central New York and the Finger Lakes region from 1973-78.
Jim Walsh For US Congress
New York in the 109th Congress (1st Session)
Peace Corps Online | March 31, 2002 - US Congress: Biography of ...

In The News

Normal life disrupted in valley due to 'bandh' NepalNews
SC empowers women to sell their property at their own wish
Journos defy government order
Let people decide what they want: US Congressman
Oppn parties to protest Nagarkot killings on Friday; NHRC starts probe
Nepal parties call general strike against killings Stuff.co.nz, New Zealand
Nepal's Opposition Stages Emergency-Rule Protest in KathmanduBloomberg
Thousands march in Nepal to protest killing of 11 civilians Outlook (subscription)
Nepal army fires on villagers MSNBC
Armymen shoot dead 13 civilians in central Nepal People's Daily Online, China
Monarchy fountainhead of all problems: political leaders Webindia123
Seven Party Show in New Baneshwor United We Blog, Nepal
Let people decide what they want: US Congressman Kathmandu Post, Nepal
Strike over civilian killings paralyses Kathmandu Reuters
Strike over civilian killings paralyses Kathmandu Khaleej Times, United Arab Emirates
Mandal launches book on Royal step Gorkhapatra, Nepal
SC allows daughters to sell property Gorkhapatra, Nepal

Protests