Friday, October 21, 2005

INSEC Report: One Month Of Ceasefire


The Maoists are going to have to make up their minds. If they declared their ceasefire for the illegitimate Gyanendra Shahi government, they need to act like it. On the other hand, if they did it so as to forge a stronger alliance with the democrats, they need to act like it too.

Their best bet is to work towards a solid eight party alliance.

I think it was a mistake the government did not reciprocate the ceasefire. But then 2/1 was also a mistake. This government had made endless mistakes. I am not surprised it made the mistake of not responding to the ceasefire. I would have been surprised if it had done the right thing.

It makes no sense for the Maoist republicans to hedge their bet on the goodwill of this regime.

The Maoists have already said they are for a democratic republic, and that they want to get there through a constituent assembly. Such a democratic republic will not have room for any party to have a standing army. The state will have an army and that is it.

Before the country goes through a constituent assembly, the Maoists will have to have disarmed. And they know that as well as you and I do.

So in agreeing to a democratic republic, and a constituent assembly, they have in effect said, yes, we will disarm.

The best way would have been for this royal regime to invite UN mediation. But I don't see that happening.

The Maoists insisting on UN mediation is like Girija insisting on House revival. Neither is about to happen. Because both strategies depend on the king's willingness to go for it, and he has made it absolutely clear he will not go for either.

So Girija and the Maoists need to face the reality.

The Maoists have to make a constituent assembly and a democratic republic possible by thinking of other ways of disarming.

I think the Maoists should take a serious look at my idea of a unilateral disarmament: Art Of War, Art Of Peace.

If UN mediation not be forthcoming, that idea might be the fastest way to a democratic republic.
Mohi magne dhungro lukaune garna bhayena.

The Maoists don't have the option to play games. Geopolitics don't allow for games.

I don't think the Maoists are trying to. But I do think there are hardliners among the Maoists who are hard to convince. And there might be plain inefficiency, a case of not being able to do exactly what they intend. And there is the relentless state offensive. So they don't have as many options. They are not in an easy situation themselves.

But the Maoists have been mum for a while. There have not been statements from them in a little while.

I hope they will take the best option they have: a unilateral disarmament that leads to a strong eight party alliance for a democratic republic, so there is a total bi-polarization in the country. That bi-polarization will hasten the demise of this regime like nothing else might.

I don't believe the Maoists declared their ceasefire intending to play games. They waited for a week. They became convinced the royal regime was not going to reciprocate. So they thought, if the regime is not interested in peace, and the seven parties are not going to launch a movement to get rid of the regime, then what options do they have except to prepare for another round of fighting to tire out the regime?

The flaw in that thinking is to assume the seven parties are not going to dislodge the regime. The seven parties are about to wage a decisive movement. This regime has only a few months left.

But if the Maoists wage another round of civil war, they mess things up for the very movement that will dislodge the regime. Why will the Maoists do such a thing? Why will they do anything that might prolong the life of this illegitimate regime?

So they should preferably think in terms of a unilateral disarmament. And if they can not do that, they have to extend the ceasefire. If they do extend the ceasefire, the movement has more breathing room. The movement dislodges the regime, and a democratic interim government is formed. That governemnt will take the UN mediation route, if necessary. If that's what the Maoists want. But then that also means there will be no eight party alliance.

A solid eight party alliance is the best, quickest way to a democratic republic. A seven party alliance can also do it as long the Maoists do not wage another round of civil war.


..... statement of Prachanda declaring ceasefire, which came unexpectedly
..... The Maoists also did not respect their own commitment.
..... been involved in killing of civilians, crossfire, abduction, targeting of schools, beatings and incidents of loots.
..... A total of 4 civilians have been killed by the Maoists whereas they have abducted 8057 persons, most of them being students and teachers.
..... targeted schools in at least 9 districts including Jhapa, Argakhanchi, Morang, Jumla etc
..... Maoists also were found of beating civilians, students and even human rights defenders
..... even looted a sum of rupees 6,00,000 which was to be distributed among community schools in Taplejung district.
..... looted the house of one person in Ramechhap
..... threatened different industries, businessmen, government employees, schools and NGOs to pay tax, stop functioning in Jhapa, Kavre, Morang, Kaski, Dailekh and Surkhet districts.
..... continuing their activity of detaining people in their 'labor camp'.
..... at least 90 Maoists have reportedly surrendered to the government
..... the government has increased its activity of searching villages, arresting citizens and disappearing them. The security persons are even seen of carrying out extra judicial killings.
..... endangered the durability of the unilateral ceasefire of the Maoists.
..... security persons have killed 29 people during the first month of ceasefire mostly in acquisition of being Maoists. They have also arrested at least 106 persons from 25 districts in allegation of being Maoists. Even civilians have been injured in the landmine explosion planted by the RNA. They even beat civilians for no reason in Ilam and Surkhet districts while carrying out search operations.

.... Maoists’ unilateral ceasefire, which brought rays of hope for sustainable peace amongst the Nepalese people, seems in the verge of breakdown following the activities of the government. It is a very high time for the government to response it by reciprocating the ceasefire so as to create conducive environment for peaceful resolution of the problem.
...... the Maoists should create favorable environment where the movement of political parties could be taken to the villages, which has not been seen in the first month of the unilateral ceasefire.
...... government has stimulated the violent activities in the name of anti-terrorist operations.


[PDF] ONE MONTH OF CEASEFIRE File Format: PDF/Adobe Acrobat - View as HTML
ONE MONTH OF CEASEFIRE. An Assessment of Human Rights Situation during the ...
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Sage Radachowsky Interviews Anil Jha


Audio Clip Mr. Anil Kumar Jha, a joint general secretary of Nepal Sadbhawana Party (Anandi Devi), sat down for an interview on 18 October 2005 while he was in Boston on another program.

In the interview, Anil speaks about his party’s struggle to represent Madeshi issues, in terms of proportional representation, cultural and linguistic rights.

He speaks about the armed conflict and dynamics between the 7 agitating parties and the CPN(M). In this regard, he touches on what the role of international community could be, to support a nascent 7 Parties/CPN(M) alliance that may yield peace with dividends of social justice if enacted correctly.

He touches on the split in the NSP that occurred in 2003. The leader of the other faction, Mandal, is now an acting minister in the King’s government. He predicts that the Anandi Devi faction, which is representing the will of the people, will survive as the Nepal Sadbhawana Party while the Mandal faction will subside.

Listen to the interview by saving the file from the link below:
MP3 file, 3.59MB

Produced by Sage Radachowsky for INSN.


Madhesis are exploited. That has been true since Nepal got established as a country. The country is there, but the state is not there. The Madhesis pay more than 70% of the revenues, but get less than 20% back. Less than 5% of the civil servants are Madhesi, there are none in the army. Maybe there are a few doctors, engineers, barbers, dhobis in the army who are Madhesi. Same with the police. Only one Madhesi became DIG.

Also on citizenship certificates. Nepal has 24 million people. More than 4 million people are seeking citizenship certificates. Most of them are Madhesi. Those are government figures. A UML government came up with those numbers. The UML is a party dominated by hills people. Even they came with those numbers.

Another issue is to do with parliamentary constituencies. In Manang 10,000 people get one seat. In Rautahat half a million people have only four seats. All constituencies should be based on equal population.

We are also demanding a federal form of government. The central government can not do everything. We are for five state governments and one central government. The centre can take defense, foreign relations. Development work should be by the states.

We also talk about our culture. There is no such charter in the world anywhere. In the Nepali parliament only one race is allowed. The MPs are not police or military. So why is there a unform for MPs? In other countries, the MPs decide what they want to wear.

There is Mt Everest and there is Rajbiraj. In the same zone. When it is 40 degrees celsius, Everest might have minus 10 or minus 20. How can you control both places? That is why we are talking of federal government. A tribal of Namche wears bakkhu, a Madhesi wears dhoti.

As you know Nepal is multi-lingual, multi-cultural. We are also talking about language. Nepali is the common language in the hills. More than 60-70% of the Madhesi people can not speak Nepali. Our lingua franca is Hindi. So we want Hindi to be the second national language. When hills people talk to the locals in Rautahat they do so in Hindi.

Our all these demands have been momentarily sidelined. For now we are focused on democracy. We are one of the seven agitating parties.

The Maoists are fighting with the establishment. Their slogans are positive. That is why they became popular. They became popular among the tribals, Dalits, women, the Madhesis. Those groups never got justice during 12 years of democracy.

The international community does not listen to those with no muscle. We have no bargaining capacity. The Maoists through guns and ammunition attracted all the world community.

All things in the country are derailed. Democracy is derailed, development work is derailed. We are very aware about that.

Peaceful movement is not noticed. The big powers only listen the sound of barrels. Otherwise we Sadbhavana Party people have been talking peacefully for 15 years. We waged hunger strikes. But noone noticed. Not the international community. But they notice the Maoists.

This is a very fertile time. This is a negotiable time. All the major parties, even the pro-palace party RPP is not supporting the king. The RJP is not either. All the parties are against the king. All seven parties, who had 95% of the parliament, are all for a constituent assembly. This is a fertile time for the Maoists also. This time will never come in the future. If the Maoists miss this opportunity, they will not get this ever again. They should come talk to us, the seven parties.

They have stopped their People's War by our request. We hope we will settle something.

In 2003, our party split. Badri Mandal is a Minister, he was Deputy Prime Minister. He wants to be Minister at any cost. He has no principles. He has card given to him by Gajendra Babu. He is cashing that card. But once there is democracy, his party will collapse. We will be the only Sadbhavana left. If now there is regime of king, but when the time of public will come, only those who are with the people will survive. We are with the people.

Any talk between the Maoists and the seven parties, the obstacle is what and how we can implement any negotiated agreement. This is a major obstacle. Neither they nor us are in power. That is why. We can only make strategies in terms of joint agitations. Something will be negotiated. We should convince the international community. That is necessary. If Maoists by heart and soul and by brain, if they would like to, they can do so. The general people are with us. The people are not with the rulers.

The international community is confused by the Maoists. Their goal is totalitarian. But they are also wanting to convince the international community that that is not the case. That they will obey rule of law, multi-party, market, press freedom. By their activities they can convince the international community. They have captured parts of the country. If they will practice these things in those parts, then they will earn legitimacy. By thier acts. By doing.

If someone can organize a Maoist party, they must know the international reality. They must know geopolitics. They must be thinking about their future.

Politics has two sides of coin. One is change society. Another is to rule over the country. Prachanda is more than 50 years old. If he wants to be Prime Minister. I am in politics for the last 16 years. I have never seen Prachanda. So I think he is thinking about this. I think he will come into the open soon. But for that the right environment has to be created.

Some are seven party opinion, some are my party's opinion, some are my personal opinion.

My English is not so good. But I wanted to express myself. You can edit if there are any mistakes.

Sage: Your English is 10 times better than my Nepali.

Gagan Thapa Talk In Boston: Two Hours Audio
Anil Jha, Bimal Nidhi US Tour Logistics
Sadbhavana Meets In Janakpur
Bimalendra Nidhi US Tour
The King In Janakpur
Nepal's Terai People In Deplorable Conditions: Mahto
Words Matter
Madhesi Hum Lenge Sau Mein Pachas
Hridayesh Tripathy
The Kathmandu Media Ignores The Sadbhavana
Sangram Morcha: A New Political Party (1993)
Badri Mandal: Sadbhavana's RPP Face
Peace First, Then Democracy, Democracy First, Then Social Justice
Phone Talk With Hridayesh Tripathy
Madhesi Rights: Abhi Nahin To Kabhi Nahin
Pradip Giri: DaMaJaMa
Tibetans And Madhesis
Phone Interview With Rajendra Mahato
Hridayesh Tripathy In Delhi: Good News
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The Army Rank And File Need To Be For The People And Democracy


Nepal's army has had a long, illustrious history. A lot of Nepali armed men have made a name for themselves all over the world over decades. But now that army stands at a historic juncture.

Armies are to fight external enemies. In rare cases they also get mobilized to confront internal armed groups. But peaceful demonstrators for democracy are out of bounds.

This is my appeal to all thinking officers in the Nepal army top to bottom.

The democracy movement is about to be launched in full force. The democratic government, once it gets into power, will punish all acts of physical assault on the peaceful demonstrators. Noone who might give orders for such physical assaults will go scot free this time.

This movement is not against the state structure. This is not a movement against the police, the army, the bureaucracy. This is a movement for democracy. This is a movement to create a democratic Nepal where the police, the army and the bureaucracy all work for the people, answer to the people. This is about transferring the ownership of the state to the people. This is not a movement to dismantle the state.

An army within a democratic Nepal will get better treated than it has ever been before. A democratic Nepal will be more prosperous, more proud. It will be more vibrant. It will be a happier country. The army will feel more at home in a democratic Nepal.

The army within a democratic Nepal will be a professional army. The promotion and perks structure will get vastly more meritocratic. There will be many more options for career advancements for its many officers. There will be many more opportunities for domestic pride and international peacekeeping.

A professional army in a democratic Nepal will be of unprecedented pride to all its members.

That army could become one of the symbols of national unity.

There will be peace in a democratic Nepal. The insurgency will be over. The army will no longer lose its members to meaningless violence.

The army, any army, ultimately is a keeper of peace, not a wager of war.

The army of a democratic Nepal will be more respected by the UN. The armed men and women of the Nepal army will be ambassadors of Nepal working for peace in the far flung corners of the planet.

That bright promise of a future requires that the rank and file and officers at all levels of the army be willing to appreciate the historic juncture the country is in. This movement for democracy is to be a once in a lifetime experience. This is to be decisive. This will not have to waged ever again.

The rank and file of the army, officers at all levels should be willing to defy orders as a last resort, if that is what it will take to make sure the villains of the current regime do not think they have the option to militarily crush the democracy movement.

All the army has to do is to stay out of the way. That is all.

And in return it will get treated like a professional army by the subsequent democratic government. It will get a respect it has never had before.

This is my appeal.

I urge all Nepalis all over the world who are supporting the movement in all ways they can to use all possible personal contacts they have inside the army to pass on this message.
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Assault On Kantipur FM: The Regime Preparing For A Showdown


The assault on Kantipur FM premises is a window into what is about to happen. The regime is preparing for a showdown. The clouds are gathering.

They first made an illegal visit. Then they made an illegal request. When the Kantipur FM people did not comply, they sent the police to gherao the premises. Finally they backed down.

That is what will happen after the people come out into the streets in the hundreds of thousands. First they will show their teeth, then they will back down. Victory is assured.

The regime does not have the crackdown option. They will try to scare the people. And if they fail, they are going to back down. Or they are going to get washed away.

After the 1990 movement concluded, those who were guilty of illegal crackdowns on peaceful demonstrators were let go scot free. That was a big mistake. That mistake left room for the regression the country is facing right now. That mistake should not be repeated.

All acts of repression have to be documented. The guilty are to be punished once the interim democratic government gets hold of power.

In The News
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Tuesday, October 18, 2005

Gagan Thapa October 22 Saturday 2 PM Columbia University



Alliance for Democracy and Human Rights in Nepal, USA
Proudly Announces

“Bichaar Bimarsha”
A periodic socio-political discussions on Nepal

Co-Sponsors:

Human Rights Working Group, CIPA, Columbia University
South Asian Institute, CIPA, Columbia University

Struggle for Democracy in Nepal
Roles and Challenges of Youth

Interaction with Gagan Thapa

Former General Secretary of Nepal Student Union, student wing of Nepali Congress, the largest political party in Nepal, Gagan Thapa is undoubtedly the most prominent student leader who has become one of the leading figures in the current struggle for democracy in Nepal. He was jailed a number of times by King Gyanendra’s government after the royal takeover of February 1st, 2005 on charges of “sedition against the state,” for his outspoken stance against the King’s regime. The Amnesty International had considered him a prisoner of conscience, as he had been detained for his peaceful and legitimate activities in support of democracy and human rights in Nepal. He was released each time only under tremendous pressure from human rights organizations and international governments.

*Mr. Thapa’s presentation will be in Nepali. Written English transcripts of his major points will be available for non-Nepali audience.

** Q & A session will be held in English, with a translation help from the moderator if needed.

Venue:

Columbia University, W. 116th Street and Broadway.

Prentis Hall
632 West 125th Street
Room # 312 (Third Floor)
Columbia Uniiversity
New York, NY 10027.
Subway:

# 1 or # 9 to 116th Street Station.

Time: 2:00 pm

Date: Saturday, October 22nd, 2005.

Admission: Free

Questions? Call Anil: 917-670-1057 or, Sanjaya: 917-902-2667

Gagan Thapa October 22 Saturday 2 PM Columbia University
A Day In The Life Of Charlie Szrom
Gagan Thapa Talk In Boston: Two Hours Audio
Anil Jha, Bimal Nidhi, Jimmy Carter
Timi Sadak Ma Utreko Dekheko Chhu
Anil Jha, Bimal Nidhi US Tour Logistics
Bimalendra Nidhi US Tour
Gagan Thapa US Tour
September 16 Protest Rally
Sharad Chandra Shaha Is A Dazzling Person
Bharat Mohan Adhikari Is In Town
King Cancels UN Visit
Opposition To The Idea Of Meeting With The King
Anatomy Of The Conflict In Pokhara
Girijaspeak: When Republicans Are Royalists
5 Steps To Democracy
Renaming The Blog In Honor Of Gagan's Release
Gagan Thapa Released
Chargesheeting Gagan: This Regime Has Gone Berserk

Bill Clinton Had Icecream For Lunch
Bill Clinton Has Left The Building
Jesse Jackson On Martin Luther King Boulevard
The Saudi Royal Family Has Got To Go
I Am Running For Dean 2008 Campaign Chair
Soaking In Howard Dean
Dean Was In Town Yesterday
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Monday, October 17, 2005

A Day In The Life Of Charlie Szrom



If I had met Robert Mayer (Publius Pundit) this past weekend, and it almost happened, and I met up with Charlie Szrom yesterday, and I will be seeing Gagan Thapa this coming weekend, that would have been three weekends in a row with some major student leaders. (Soaking In Howard Dean)

So I got to see Charlie. He flew in from Bloomington, Indiana, for a scholarship interview with some kind of a Polish American foundation. Looks like you get a thousand bucks for saying you take pride in your Polish heritage.

First we were to meet around 10 in the morning, then maybe around 11:30, when I showed up at the southern tip of Central Park. And I got a call from him. Can meet around 4:30 PM. So I got a few hours to stroll all over Central Park, and I also ventured north into Harlem. I watched some soccer at a Hispanic pizza establishment there.

And then there was this text message from Charlie. He was running a little late.

But then we met, and he said he had to catch a bus at the Grand Central Terminal by 8 PM. And so we had a few hours. We went to Ground Zero first. And then after we walked the unimpressive Wall Street walk - it is but a little pavement - I thought I was taking him to see the Statue Of Liberty.

"Is that not the Brooklyn Bridge?" Charlie asks.

"No," I said. And I pulled out my left hand, and made my palm the shape of Manhattan. I was trying to explain to him how we had walked to the other side of the southern tip. Considering this was Charlie's first time in New York City.

But he was right. It was the Brooklyn Bridge. Considering I live in Brooklyn. But Charlie did not hold it against me.

Then we crossed the Manhattan landmass again, and got to see the Statue, all the time talking. I was trying to emphasize upon Charlie that the moral support he and his organization, the Students For Global Democracy, had been extending to the movement in Nepal, and the simple fact that he was part of the conversation, was itself a major help to the movement in Nepal. He was already being helpful in a major way.

After the Statue, we headed north. The idea was to cross into Central Park, walk down to Times Square, and then walk over to the Grand Central. But we were running late. We skipped Central Park: it was kind of dark too by then. But he got a glimpse of the Upper East Side. And he took the train shuttle from Times Square to the Grand Central.

The train ride back home for me was confusing. They do all this construction work during weekends, and trains don't go where they are supposed to go. Routes not on the subway map get revealed. It has got to be mysterious down there.

Charlie can be hilarious sometimes. Like there was this story he told me about the movement in Ukraine last year. There were people who thought there was some sort of conspiracy going on, all these people out in the streets, out of the blue.

"No. They just wanted democracy," he related.

Charlie has interned at the National Endowment For Democracy. Considering how committed we both are to a global spread of democracy, I can so totally see us meeting again and again down the line.

We sure will stay in touch.

40 Photos.

Charlie
Dear Charlie
Email To Charlie Szrom
Email From Charlie Szrom


Mary Joyce, Demologue
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Saturday, October 15, 2005

Protests





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Friday, October 14, 2005

Art Of War, Art Of Peace


The Maoists waged a decade long war. They started from scratch, from nothing, and they spread all over the country. They have lost thousands of cadres. The whole thing could not have been easy. There was a time when it was thought they will not attack the state army, that would be too much for them. But they managed to bring the RNA to a military stalemate.

That was the art of war.

Used to be the Maoists were for a communist republic. Now they have made an ideological transformation. They need to make that official.

To: Dr. Baburam Bhattarai

They need to formalize that ideological transformation.

They have proved themselves at the art of war. The unilateral ceasefire was their most brilliant military move ever. It was so brilliant the king was pushed to an unimagined global isolation.

Now the challenge for the Maoists is if they can prove themselves equally deft at peace.

Would they consider a unilateral disarmament in exchange for a common minimum program of a Democratic Republic by the seven parties?

These could be the steps.
  1. The Maoists tell the seven parties they will take the next step beyond the unilateral ceasefire. They will unilaterally disarm in exchange for a joint alliance.
  2. Then a formal eight party alliance will be formed. It will formally elect a leader.
  3. It will chalk out a program. A democratic republic would be at the core. I have suggested a 10 point program: Alliance Of Steel. I believe you need something as comprehensive to really get the masses riled up.
  4. Then you put forth joint protest programs. Parties do not put out separate programs.
As long as the seven party alliance would be willing to agree to 2,3 and 4, the Maoists should be able to do 1.

Think about it. The Maoists are going to disarm anyways. The whole idea of seeking UN mediation is to suggest they will disarm. So if you are willing to do it anyways, and if the UN option is not forthcoming, thanks to the king, why will you not do it on your own and speed things up? You are republicans, why do you so insist on the king having veto power?

And forget integrating the two armies. Fight for 27 million Nepalis, not 10,000 armed cadres. Liberation of 27 million people is more important than job security of 10,000 of your armed cadres. Let them all put down their weapons, and dedicate themselves to a peaceful achievement of a democratic republic. Especially now when the peaceful option is more effective.

If laying down your arms means a democratic republic will be achieved faster, why will you insist on keeping the arms and slowing things down? Speed things up. Lay down your arms permanently.

Instead of slowing things down, bargain hard with the parties on points 1,2,3,4.

Make them come around to 2,3 and 4 first. Then you come around to 1.

How can the parties trust you did 1? Invite them to monitor it. Invite the civil society to monitor it.

There is immense time pressure. If this regime is still in power on February 8, the seven party alliance and the Maoists are going to be locked in tough corners.

And send Girija this way. I will take him on a tour of 50 states myself. For five months.
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Wednesday, October 12, 2005

Badri Mandal: Winner


The King's February 2006, April 2007 Offensive

The seven party alliance will not be an alliance.

It will not do what it takes to launch a revolution.

It will not do what it takes to launch a movement.

Which leaves room for a negotiated settlement. But that asks for dialogue.

But if the Monarchists act unreasonable, forging an alliance with the Maoists is an option. But that also asks for dialogue.

Dialogue is political work.

The Maoists will not do what it takes to for forge a strong alliance with the democrats.

They continue to think of another military offensive as an option. And if they prepare for that, that weakens the possibilities of an alliance with the democrats. And if they can not forge an alliance with the democrats, what are their chances for a soft landing?

So the Maoist-democrat alliance is nowhere close to gelling.

The seven party alliance is in disarray.

Girija's House revival stance is the litmus test. As long as he still holds that position, the seven party alliance will continue to be in disarray.

The February 2006 elections for the towns and cities that the king has announced, and the April 2007 parliamentary polls. That is a political challege to the seven parties, and a military challenge to the Maoists.

Hopefully the Maoists have weakened. But if they have not, and there is no telling, and even if they make bungled attempts at disruption, that will still be bloodshed that could have been avoided. And if there is bloodshed, there will be a new gap of trust between the Maoists and the democrats.

But the election announcements might gradually erode some of the international support for the democrats. They have wasted too much time so far this year. They let months pass.

Especially if international observers are allowed - first they said they will be allowed, then Tulsi Giri came out saying they will not be allowed - then the parties are going to come under additional pressure.

And Girija is going to keep parroting the House revival mantra.

And Badri Mandal's Sadbhavana and Pashupati Rana's RPP are going to contest elections. And they are going to win 30 mayoral seats each roughly.

Gajendra Narayan Singh could not have seen this coming.

Considering the parties have been allowed to function more or less at normal, there is no outright persecution, the parties will face additional pressure.

All because there is this refusal to do political homework.

Genius Girija.

If the king could revive the House, that would make null and void the Prime Minister's prerogative to dissolve the House. That would go against the norms of a parliamentary democracy.

The democrats were trapped between the Monarchists and the Maoists, now they are trapped between February 2006 and April 2007 also.

Does the seven party alliance ever hold meetings?

Needed: a goal and an action plan.

Or maybe there is an Article 127 in the Nepali Congress constitution that we could use to revive the House, and Girija would be happy, and the rest of us could move on.
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The King's February 2006, April 2007 Offensive


The king has gone on the offensive.

Muncipal polls in February 2006, and parliamentary polls in April 2007.

He is seizing the initiative.

The seven party alliance is in disarray. The UML is going ahead with its own programs. Amik Sherchan's People's Front is doing the same. Girija's idiotic House revival stance is pushing the seven party alliance to a breaking point.

The seven party alliance should be holding joint programs. And if they are not, that shows they are refusing to come together and agree on a common platform.

If you can not even come together for democracy, what can you come together for?

Reagan claimed he increased the defense expenditures so much, the Soviet Union imploded. It is possible the king might say that about the Maoists. And take credit for it.

On the other hand, what if the Maoists call the king's bluff? They have already vowed to actively disrupt the polls.

If democracy is about elections, as it is, why will the king instead not opt for elections to a constituent assembly? That will end the civil war.

The seven party alliance has the option to get together and:
  • Formally elect a leader.
  • Create a five or a ten point political platform.
  • Launch joint nationwide protest programs.
Or forget the idea that you will bring hundreds of thousands out into the streets.

But so far they have been unwilling to come around to it. Beats me. The king has a clear action plan. The seven party alliance does not. Even the Maoists have more clarity.

JFK made that point in his college thesis: Why England Slept?

That democracies are less prone to respond well to an impending threat like the Nazis were.

The seven party alliance is making no attempts at clarity. They are still trying to "convince" the king to revive the House. They are banging their head against the wall.

In The News
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