Democracy For Nepal

Saturday, May 14, 2005

Comrade Gonzalo Of Peru: A Profile

There are "realists" who claim Nepali Maoists have to be seen for who they are, and one has to simply look at their Cambodian and Peruvian counterparts to understand where they are coming from and where they are headed. After the Maoists take over, they will be even more immune to international pressure than the Monarchists have been. The only option will be foreign military intervention. The Maoists will butcher 5 million Nepalis - "class enemies" - or more. Compare 12,ooo lives to 5,000,000 lives. Does not even compare.

I call this the cliff theory. As in, you have to stay away from the cliff, because, once you fall, you can not pull back half way down. The Maoists taking over is the country falling over a cliff.

The Americans lead this "realism" camp. And I am glad for it. The Americans will do anything, even resume arms supplies regardless of the king's autocratic moves, to make sure the Maoists do not take over. So the realists are like an umbrealla, a safety valve. And thank you. But because that umbrella does exist, that gives the rest of us more room to seek political solutions to the civil war. We can be confident the Maoists are not in any position to "use" the democrats to further their nefarious ends.

I am against a military takeover of the country by any group, Maoist or Monarchist.

But the question I ask is why did the political parties and the king not go for the UN-mediation, Constituent Assembly option a few years back? That is the question the Monarchists and the democrats have been evading. Even now the democrats are not speaking with one voice on the Constituent Assembly question.

True, the Maoists have to be seen for who they are. Since 2/1, the hardliners seem to have gained the upper hand. When you humiliate the moderates during the "peace process," you end up dealing with the hardliners.

But then also the Monarchists have to be seen for who they are. Does this king want peace? Will he face the reality that there really is no military solution? Prachanda might get captured, and the insurgency will still go on. A few Maoist strongholds might get dismantled, and the insurgency will still go on. The king gives no evidence he is trying to cure the insurgency. Ever since he ascended the throne, he has exhibited a singular determination to expand his personal power base.

But I have seriously revised my thoughts on the king after he lifted the emergency. At least he is not trying to reenact the Panchayat. He is stretching the 1990 constitution but he is at least pretending to stay within it.

It is in the nature of the leaders of dictatorial outfits like that of the Maoists and the Monarchists that their leaders exhibit little flexibility. Saddam never changed his mind. He could have compromised and saved his regime. But he never changed his mind. He went down rather.

Peruvian Maoists have talked of those among them who went for the Constituent Assembly option as traitors. But the Nepali Maoists have consistently sought the Constituent Assembly option. That is an important distinction. And it has to be noted. And both Prachanda and Baburam have been for it.

If we are to fear a Maoist dictatorship, we already have a Monarchist dictatorship. If we are to fear a Maoist military takeover, we already have a Monarchist military takeover.

I looked around for information on Gonzalo of Peru. I have been particularly interested in the circumstances of his capture.

Chances are Prachanda is hiding in a forest somewhere, but more likely he is in a comfortable setting in India. But he maintains communication. So he must have access to facilities. But I don't get the impression the Monarchists are even trying to capture the Maoist leaders. I guess they do not want to get targeted themselves.

Some of the things I learned from the Gonzalo experience from my online research:

You are not fighting a traditional war with the Maoists. I have seen pictures of RNA folks combing through Rolpa and Rukum, rank and file, marching. That strategy might not be the best one.
For a dictatorial outfit like the Maoists are, Prachanda is everything. Prachanda's capture could be the only way to cause a serious setback to them.
This is an intelligence war. Can you find out where he is? It can be found out. But the thing is no major attempts have been made.

But then, even if you capture Prachanda, a big if, you will still need a political solution to the insurgency. But if you go straight for the political solution, things stay less complicated.

In The News

The Daring of Revolution, The Shoots of the Future by Li Onesto Revolution #1, May 1, 2005 ..... For the first time women had the right to own land and get a divorce, land was being redistributed, and peasants mercilessly cheated by usurers had torn up debt papers.... April 2005. A friend sends me a video, not yet available in the U.S., “Eight Glorious Years of People’s War”—hours of amazing footage from the liberated base areas, shot and edited by the Central Cultural De- partment of the CPN (Maoist)...... a massive rally where the Magar people, an oppressed nationality, are celebrating the declaration of the new Magrat Autonomous Government..... a binocular-like survey of a human procession that snakes across the steep mountainside for miles..... Nepotism and injustice are eliminated in villages ..... Caste and untouchability are eradicated ..... how women in Nepal are suffocated by feudal tradition. Not allowed to go to school, subjected to arranged marriages and polygamy, lives crushed by the thriving sex traffic..... This old state is tiring..... Let’s seize the central power.....
100 Days of Fascism in Nepal D. Michael Van De Veer — Pokhara, Nepal www.scoop.co.nz, May 11, 2005 .....
Nepal: One Hundred Days After Royal Takeover and Human Rights Crisis Deepens, February 1 - May 11, 200
To Aid A Rogue Regime Manjushree Thapa, published in Asian Age, May 9, 2005 ....the king had deployed half the Royal Nepal Army to arrest, detain and intimidate left/liberal political activists, journalists, and human rights workers ..... even as the state of emergency was lifted, the Kathmandu District Administration Office outlawed most civil liberties..... the monarchy, a medieval and usurious institution...... He is not, after all, constitutionally legitimate-despite all the articles and clauses that he is fond of quoting, the constitution does not anywhere allow him to do what he has done. He is, additionally, roundly unpopular: long before they (baselessly) maligned him for fratricide, the Nepali people (baselessly) maligned him for drug and idol smuggling. Were it not for the army-or a royalist clique in the army-this king would enjoy no prestige at all....... were it not for this king, the army’s royalist clique would itself enjoy little prestige....... by some accounts, the monarchy is merely a puppet manipulated by a few hawkish generals whose ultimate goal is to establish military rule, Pakistan-style ..... to avoid military rule, one must contain the monarchy...... Forging a three-way settlement now is almost the only option before Nepal-if we are not to keep hemorrhaging pointlessly...... Since February 2005, the Maoists have shown some willingness to negotiate down to a democratic platform, and the centrist political parties have come around to the Maoists’ basic demands. Only the king and his royalist generals remain inflexible.......
Slogans for the Pro-Democracy Rally, Washington D.C., 15 May INSN
Weed Out The Corrupt Before Launching The Andolan United We Blog “Monarchs relinquish power only under popular pressure”.
Jan Andolan From May 26 United We Blog ...... All Party Jana Andolan Central Coordination Committee .... From June 15 (Asar 1), all professional organizations, youths and students wings of all parties will come up with combined programs.
Attending A Semi-Underground Press Meet In Nepal United We Blog When Jeetendra, sporting a short hair and clean shaved face .....
Madam Rocca Is Bit Happy, Bit So-So United We Blog We continue to urge the government of Nepal to release all political detainees, restore civil liberties, and reach out in a pro-active manner to the political parties...... Their recent announcement of a untied front is an encouraging first step in this process ..... Our total development assistance over the years amounts to 400 million dollars. Our security assistance over the past four years, including a one-time appropriation of 12 million dollars in 2002, amounts to 22 million dollars overall..... The Maoists have made clear their intention to impose a one-party “people’s republic,” collectivize agriculture, “reeducate” so-called class enemies, and export their revolution to neighboring states....... the longstanding political impasse ..... While we welcome the steps taken by His Majesty’s Government to lift the Sate of Emergency and release political leaders, we remain concerned about the reports of continuing repression of civil liberties and additional arrests. We continue to urge the government of Nepal to release all political detainees, restore civil liberties, and reach out in a pro-active manner to the political parties...... We have made it clear to the Government that we expect to see appropriate, timely and transparent investigations of any credible allegations of abuse...... elections at the earliest possible time.

Friday, May 13, 2005

The Maoists Have Been Reading My Emails, Blog Entries

This article at INSN is the first clear hint I am getting the Maoists have been getting and reading my emails as well as blog entries directed at them.

I also get the impression they are operating out of India. The mention of a "park" shows that. The leaders are not in some jungle somewhere in remote Nepal. They have always had internet access. That could not have been possible in Thawang.

The article explicitly says Mahara met the reporter outside of Nepal. If that be the case, I seriously doubt Mahara crossed the border just for the purpose. It makes safety sense for him to not engage in too many border crossings.

Plus, it is not that hard for a well-funded organization to find safehouses in India.

I can imagine why they might not want to give out phone numbers. They probably think I work for the CIA which will use satellite technology to track them down should they get on the phone with me. I don't blame them. The technology does exist. Everytime I get on my cellphone, my cellphone company knows exactly where I am at. This is used for emergency situations. If I were in an emergency, all I would have to do is call 911, and not even know where I am at, and they will know my exact location.

I am not really trying to get the Maoist leaders physically assaulted. My communication is at the level of ideology. I do not have any affiliation with any element of the US government. I am only participating as a concerned Nepali who just so happens to be based out of the US.

Mahara could actually be in Delhi. My guess. Because Delhi has many parks. Small Indian towns don't have parks. And it might also be easier to stay anonymous in a big city.

.... - first a multiparty democratic republic..... then we would work for the peaceful transformation of the state......

...... We want a 21st-century democracy in which the people supervise the state so that people with money cannot control the elections. We want transparency and equal opportunities for all parties......

The King and Mao

By Isabel Hilton, May 13, 2005
Financial Times

The man came walking along the path. He was slightly chubby, unassuming. He wore a short- sleeved shirt, Chinos and sunglasses, and carried a small black briefcase. He seemed relaxed as he approached, as though simply out for a stroll in the park. He could have passed for an insurance clerk - or the teacher he used to be before he dropped out of normal life and went underground.

There was nothing to suggest that this was one of South Asia’s most wanted men: Comrade Krishna Bahadur Mahara, as his colleagues in the movement know him, who ranks number two in the politburo of the Maoist Communist Party of Nepal, second only to “Prachanda”, the party’s founder and the most elusive of the Maoist leaders.

My meeting with Mahara took place outside the state of Nepal; I had to promise not to disclose exactly where. We sat on the grass in a large park, a space open enough that anyone who tried to sit too close would be conspicuous.

Comrade Mahara was keen to discuss the way forward for Nepal’s Maoists in the wake of the coup; exactly what it would mean for Nepal if the Maoists were to take power was now an urgent question.

Since the Nepalese constitution prohibits the prosecution of the king, Nepal now has a head of government who is above the law. “Suddenly,” one human rights monitor remarked, “we are in the 14th century.”

Seated cross-legged on the grass, Mahara laid out the Maoist analysis in the wake of the king’s coup. What had been a triangular struggle for power between the constitutional politicians, the king and the Maoists had now become a simpler two-way contest....... The coup, Mahara told me, was the product of Maoist success.

(A senior British diplomat had put it in similar terms two weeks earlier. “The king,” he said, “is telling us we must choose between him and the Maoists. He is convinced that faced with that choice we will have to back him. Personally, I’m not so sure.”)

His hope, he said, was that the constitutional politicians would see the wisdom of backing the Maoists’ demand for a new constitution to rid Nepal of its monarchy and the entrenched ruling class. The constitution they envisaged, Mahara insisted, would set up a republic with a multiparty democracy.

It did not sound like a revolutionary platform. Mao himself, in the early days of the People’s Republic of China, had offered a tactical alliance with other political parties but his alliances were short-lived. For non-Maoist politicians and the anxious bystanders, the unanswerable question was: would Prachanda’s Maoists keep their promises?

Mahara told me that the Nepalese Maoists had learned the lessons of history - that dogma does not offer a lasting political future. Prachanda recently spoke of a 21st-century democracy in which the new state “will be under the observation, control and hegemony of the general masses”. There would be “free competition among political parties”, he said, as long as they “oppose feudalism and imperialism and work for the service of the masses”.

Mahara’s version of the plan was less jargon-ridden: “If we are to forge an alliance with the other parties,” he said, “we have to be flexible. We envisage a two-step revolution - first a multiparty democratic republic. If it was a genuine democracy, then we would work for the peaceful transformation of the state.” It did not sound like classic Maoism, though it did imply that the Maoists in power might move to ensure they never lost it. Mahara smiled.

“We haven’t given up Marx, Lenin and Mao but we don’t want to take it as dogma. We want a 21st-century democracy in which the people supervise the state so that people with money cannot control the elections. We want transparency and equal opportunities for all parties.”

He spoke with the apparent sincerity of a social democrat arguing the virtues of universal suffrage. ..... Mahara, though, was arguing the necessity for alliances. The most important objective now, he said, was to persuade the other political parties to side with them.

...... the rhetoric of the movement had softened. It was, said Mahara, unrealistic to suppose that a small state such as Nepal could survive if it had too many powerful enemies. For the Maoists, that meant neighbouring India and China, neither of which would be keen to see the triumph of millenarian revolutionary ideology. Perhaps as they draw closer to power, the Maoists have begun to think of strategic survival.

When we met, Mahara had declined to predict how long it might take the Maoists to win power, though he laid out possible ways the Maoists might prevail militarily. The movement had good relations with the junior ranks of the army who had no real stomach for the fight, and he considered a mass defection of junior officers a serious possibility. Blockades of the cities and military campaigns, he said, were preparation for a final offensive. The Maoists believe the end game has begun.

As he spoke, Mahara’s manner became watchful and the tone of his conversation changed. A group of young men had chosen to sit quite close by. I could see Mahara grow tense and alert. He rose to his feet, shook hands and walked away - briskly but without obvious haste. At the edge of the park he paused, then disappeared, apparently unremarked, into the crowd in the street.

Dinesh Prasain Tour: Report

MEETING/EVENT NOTES
17 - 22 April 2005 Washington, DC

Drafted by Andrew Miller (Peace Brigades International Nepal Project)
Additional comments by Mendi Njonjo (Advocacy Project)

As the initial stage of his tour of several cities on the East Coast, Dinesh spent a full week in Washington, DC speaking with Nepal-interested individuals, offices, and audiences. The objectives of these meetings varied, but included maintaining the conflict in Nepal as a foreign policy priority in DC, infusing a leading voice of civil society into the discussion, and reinforcing the other advocacy efforts being carried out by both concerned Nepalis and international human rights groups here in DC. This tour takes place in the broader context of campaigns being carried by groups such as Amnesty, Human Rights Watch, and Crisis Group, in addition to other recent visits by Nepali human rights defenders such as Dilli Chaudhary (BASE) and Sushil Pyakurel (Nepali National Human Rights Commission).

The events and meetings were primarily arranged by colleagues at the Advocacy Project and myself. For organization’s sake, I will describe interactions by category of audience or institution.

NGOs: Dinesh had direct meetings with such groups as Advocacy Project, Human Rights First, Human Rights Watch, Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy and Peace Brigades International USA. He also met with representatives of Search for Common Ground and the Academy for Educational Development, both of which are likely to have future projects in Nepal and were eager to exchange information with Dinesh.

Amnesty International USA hosted an NGO briefing that included roughly 15 participants from the International Committee of the Red Cross, World Vision, and the Mennonite Central Committee, among others.

He met with Amb. McDonald of the Institute for Multi-Track Diplomacy and follow up on this meeting includes looking at possibly meeting high level officials (for Asia) at the State Department.

U.S. CONGRESS: By and large, meetings were limited to several offices with a previous interest in Nepal. A number of other offices were contacted but either did not respond or were unable to fit a meeting into our schedule. Beyond a concern about the message sent by any additional military assistance sent to the RNA, one concrete “talking point” raised was the re-establishment of a Nepali service of the Voice of America.

In the House of Representatives, we met with Matt Sparkes, assistant to Rep. Jim Walsh (Republican – NY). Rep. Walsh was a Peace Corps worker in Nepal and maintains an active interest in the political situation there. The office is in regular contact with the Nepali Embassy, and had seen the Ambassador twice in the previous week. We also met with Jeremy Sharp, aide to Rep. Lois Capps (Democrat – CA), to speak about my imminent trip to Nepal and offer background on the conflict.

Future House meetings should include a broader range of offices that sit on the Appropriations Committee, Foreign Operations Subcommittee (especially because the budget will be worked on in the coming months) and the International Relations Committee, Asia Pacific Subcommittee.

In the Senate, we first met with Rich Harper, assistant to Sen. Diane Feinstein (Democrat – CA). Sen. Feinstein is interested in Nepal through her husband, who runs the American Himalayan Foundation and knows the King. Their office has been in touch with the Nepali Ambassador, who assures them that everything is going well in Nepal. They sent a letter to the King post 1 Feb. but have not received a response. The Senator has not called for a ban on military assistance to Nepal but sees rising pressure to do so from her colleagues. Rich made a number of suggestions for other key Senate staff people who are interested in Nepal.

We also spoke with Tim Reiser, the lead Democratic staff person for the Senate Appropriations Committee Foreign Operations Subcommittee. Tim went to Nepal in December and has been following the case closely since then. Re weapons transfers, the U.S. gov’t has to make a decision about a shipment of M-16 rifles in the next several months. Tim views the transfer as unlikely unless the King take dramatic steps in the right direction.

In general terms, a lot more should be done to familiarize Members of Congress with the situation in Congress. Ideally such a campaign would include such elements as a) grassroots interest from constituents, b) media attention on Nepal, and c) a capacity to brief key staff members here in DC. Increased congressional interest, in theory, could help keep Nepal as a mid-level foreign policy priority for the Administration.

U.S. ADMINISTRATION: Our meeting with National Security Council representatives (Mike Green, Senior Director for Asian Affairs and Xenia Dormandy, Director for South Asia) was a good exchange and left us feeling cautiously encouraged about the U.S. position. We were told that the King was under a lot of pressure from the U.S., and that the U.S. was also pressuring other countries (China, for example) to not support the King’s moves. Dinesh offered his ideas of what a legitimate and realistic roadmap might look like, including moving the military under civilian control.

We also met with two Nepal specialists at the State Department: Kristen Needler (Nepal desk officer, South Asian Affairs) and Saba Ghori (Bureau of Democracy, Human Rights, and Labor). They asked detailed questions for an hour and 15 minutes. Dinesh suggested that the international community should support a roadmap developed by the political parties, instead of the king.

Saba phoned the next day to see if we could arrange additional meetings at the State Dept, one with others in her department and another with folks higher up in the hierarchy. Other Administration meetings could be with functionaries at U.S. AID and the Department of Defense.

INT’L FINANCIAL INSTITUTIONS: First we met with Brent Dark, the Deputy Resident Director of the Asian Development Bank’s North America office. Dinesh outlined how development aid can have negative implications for the conflict. Brent said we all have the same concerns but that they didn’t want to cut off programs that helped the poor. He said they were looking for a strategic engagement that would allow them to carry out their programs while pressuring the King. He suggested future connections with Hafiz Ramen, the Nepal country director and Bart Edes, the NGO liaison staff person, based in Manila.

Additionally, we met with several representatives of the World Bank: Debbie Bateman, the DC-based Program Coordinator for Nepal and a Nepali economist from their Kathmandu office, Roshan. The conversation was somewhat contentious, as we are clearly coming from a different paradigm than them. They still maintained that the Bank’s mandate doesn’t allow it to directly take human rights concerns into account (though Roshan did admit that the economical was the political). According to them, the Nepali government is dedicating a greater amount of money to “pro-poor” spending than in the past and the budget is more transparent, now available in 7 languages. The loans that were held up in February, however, were because the Nepalis hadn’t complied with some conditions of the funding. Overall, WB funding for Nepal has increased in recent years and very well might continue increasing, as long as the government adheres to budgetary conditions placed by the Bank.

In terms of follow-up, Veena at Human Rights Watch has been working to educate and advocate at the level of the member-state missions, which vote on the loans. Assuming Dinesh has more time in DC, we could ask Veena to arrange some of these meetings. Also, we could visit the IMF.

MEDIA: Dinesh met with several key media representatives and offered interviews to various outlets. He met with Peter Eisner, the Deputy Foreign Editor for the Washington Post. Peter is interested in Nepal and regularly speaks with correspondent John Lankaster (based in Delhi) about it. Specifically, he mentioned an interest in recent reports of civilian militias. Dinesh mentioned the idea of potentially writing a guest opinion piece and Peter suggested he speak with Jackson Diehl. He also mentioned Nora Boustany, the Post’s foreign affairs and diplomacy correspondent.

Dinesh gave interviews to the Voice of America (Hindi Service). This interview will be broadcast in the coming weeks (date will be communicated when we get it). It will be broadcast outside the US but they’ll also have it on the website for a US audience. He spoke to the Asia Department on how importantn the Voice of America news service was.

Dinesh also gave an interview to the Washington Spark- an independent media paper in DC. The article they did on him will probably run in the next issue.

AP put out a press release on Dinesh’s tour and that’s on the AP website http://www.advocacynet.org/pr_view/pr_40.html

Follow-up interviews will likely happen with USA Today, Chitra Tiwari (Washington Times) and NepaliPost.com.

GRASSROOTS: Such outreach was limited to several engagements on the Georgetown University campus. Dinesh talked at Iain’s class (human rights) at Georgetown where they examined the similarities between the structural inequalities faced by the Dalits in Nepal and the Roma in Europe. It was also noted that these two ethnic groups were on the final action plan adopted at the World Conference on Racism in 2000 for combating racism. Dinesh also addressed a crowd of students and the general public (including some people from NGOs and the State Department) at the Georgetown Auditorium later on that evening. He showed the movie Andoulan Jhari Chha and introduced them to the events in Nepal and also some background information.

Additional student and community level (including the Nepali American community) outreach should be carried out during Dinesh’s return to DC. For maximum impact, it would be good if in planning grassroots events representatives from the Amnesty International local chapters or other university/ church etc. grassroots groups were present as these groups have the institutional capacity to start, circulate and follow up on any petitions.

23 - 25 April 2005
Ithaca, NY

Comments by Laurie Vasily: “The Ithaca, NY event was a public event with an attendance of about 30 people. First, we showed the “Schools in the Crossfire Film” by Dhurba Basnet. This was followed directly by Dinesh’s showing of the “Andolan Jaari Chha” video and Dinesh’s remarks. A discussion ensued, mostly driven by the question of what those of us in the US could do to support democratizing efforts in Nepal. There was also keen interest in purchasing the videos. We indicated that we would try to set up a distribution system through the INSN website.

The Ithaca Chapter of Amnesty International provide postcards to King Gyanendra protesting the dismantling of democracy and three petitions: one to the Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice asking for suspension of US military aid to Nepal, another to Lieutenant Colonel Raju Nepali, of the Human Rights Cell of the Royal Nepal Army calling for the release of Krishna Pahadi, and thirdly, to King Gyanendra asking for release of political prisoners and reinstatement of civil liberties.”

25 April 2005 – 1 May 2005
New York City

25th April – Meeting at the Open Society Institute
Contact person: Jonathan Hulland,
Online audio record of meeting: http://www.soros.org/resources/events/nepal_20050419

Comments by Jonathan Hulland: “Talk went very well...the video in particular was great...really added to the talk. Some very striking images. And Dinesh's frontline experience made for a very interesting presentation. I would love to get a few copies of the DVD, should I contact the advocacy project?”

27th April - Fordham University Event

Dinesh spoke at Fordham University and most of the attendees were the Fordham Law program and were interested in the human rights aspect of Dinesh's tour. The video Andolan Jhari Chha was screened. Amnesty International Group 11 was present at the event and they passed around some articles for distribution. They started three petitions (the same AI petitions as noted in the Ithaca, NY note) at Fordham and were able to get a few signatures.

27th April - Columbia University Event

Comments by Sarahana Shrestha: “I just wanted to send out a short email to summarize that yesterday's event at Columbia University was very good! There was not a unanimous voice amongst the attendants, which made for a vibrant discussion. Dinesh was indeed very articulate and was able to effectively answer all "provocative" questions, which is something we young Nepalis find missing in most talks presented by Nepali speakers. As one attendant pointed out, Dinesh appeared to be very "down to earth" and I believe it is his passion and "from the heart" approach to the matter that makes us feel very much a part of the solution.”

The piece that Dinesh wrote and comments are available at:
http://samudaya.org/articles/archives/2005/05/reclaiming_the.php

29 - 30 April 2005 Joint events with Ashmina Ranjit

Comments from Ashok Gurung (& a New School event participant): “Special thanks to Ashmina and Dinesh for two very well prepared and delivered presentations (below, see a wonderful note from a participant!).

> This is simply to say thank you for such an impressive
>performance/advocacy/analysis event last Saturday. I was moved and
>frankly distressed by the sense of chaos, increasing polarization, and
>ruthless violence on royalist and maoists "sides." Not easily forgotten.”

1 - 4 May 2005
Boston

Comments by Julia Todd: “Dinesh was very busy during his two day stay in Boston. Everyone he met with was extremely interested in what he had to say, and very generous with their time.

Dinesh talked about the situation in Nepal with a small but engaged group at UMass Boston. This talk was sponsored by the UMass program in dispute resolution, and the human rights working group.

We met with Sen. Kennedy's and Sen. Kerry's foreign policy aides. They were both extremely interested, and spent about 50 minutes with us, asking Dinesh lots of questions about the human rights situation and the conflict. Julia will follow-up.

The Northeast Amnesty office got Dinesh appointments to speak at length with editorial writers at both the Boston Globe, and the Christian Science Monitor. All were very interested. I'll let you know if anything is published.

Dinesh also spoke on Tuesday at the Physicians for Human Rights weekly staff meeting, with about 30 in attendance and others on speaker phone from their DC and other offices. PHR has done some work on health and human rights related issues in Nepal such as torture.

Dinesh also talked to a group of about 18 faculty/student at Tufts University on Monday evening, and a very diverse group of about 40 individuals at Harvard University on Tuesday evening. A very engaged audience at Tufts pressed Dinesh on issues ranging from role of INGOs in present Nepalese context to the Gay/Lesbain movement and their plight in Nepal. At Harvard, he put forth a very strong argument for the "middle ground' as the only alternative to the ongoing chaos in Nepal.

Dinesh's candid presentation and stunning footages depicted in the documentary "Aandolan Jaari Cha" made this a very worthy hour and half for everyone in attendance. The feedback we received has all been extremely positive.

Thank you again, Dinesh, for your dedication, energy, and ability to engage so many different people !!!”

4 - 5 May 2005 Atlanta

4th May - Emory University Event

Comments by Pramod Aryal: “Dinesh came here at Atlanta yesterday, and Mahendra Lawoti drove. We had successful program at Emory. He basically spoke of situation in Nepal and he said that democracy will lead to permanent peace. Our audience, especially people of Nepali origin, was very much concerned about the situation in Nepal. We all were touched by the documentary, Andolan Jari Cha. It was really sad to see such police brutality. The theme of his talk was we should seek a middle ground that is from both extreme right and extreme left and follow the peaceful works for sustained democracy that will lead to permanent peace. We had vibrant floor discussion. Many people wanted to know what middle ground is and Dinesh was able to explain. Dr. Lawoti talked about the centralization, alienation and its impact in democracy. His academic perspective was well received. We had happy hour after the talk in local Indian restaurant. There people had chance to socialize with Dinesh and Mahendra. I was happy to see some concerned hard working Nepalese making up dinner after their job, and who joined us up to my house and discussed till 1 am.”

5 - 18 May 2005 Washington, DC

NEWS COVERAGE

www.advocacynet.org
Dinesh’s speaking tour was highlighted on the front page of the Advocy Project’s website, bulletins continue to be posted at: http://www.advocacynet.org/cpage_view/NepalCrisis_Appeal_35_105.html

http://www.soros.org/resources/events/nepal_20050419
Audio file of Dinesh’s 25 April meeting at the Open Society Institute

http://us.oneworld.net/article/view/110528/1/
An article written by Wendy Mbekelu from OneWorld.net based on the Georgetown University event on 21 April. In a follow-up email, Dinesh notes some of the factual misrepresentations: “Thanks Evelina for sharing the article. But as I would like to draw the attention of Wendy (who apparently did this story without checking with me, although with very good intention I'm sure) to some of my concerns. She got some facts wrong and some misquotes (eg, the army did not move and club the demonstrators on April 8 this year, the scenes from the documentary were clearly from last year's demonstrations clear from teh docuementary, and it was the police, not army who beat up the demonstrators; I did not say the Maoists burned homes, raped and lynched people to death, It was the Village Defence Committee members, as I have mentioned in my article posted at insn; the king does not appoint the UN human rights monitring committee members, the UN does; and also there was no security council involvement in the Geneva meeting on human rights, etc ). I guess such mistakes do happen in reports, but in conflcit situations, even minor misquotes may not be good. Sorry to bother you with these notes.”

Siwani Says INSN

100 Reasons To Revive Parliament

For peace.
For democracy.
For peace and democracy.
To revive Zone of Peace proposal.
To revise Sugauli Treaty.
To sanction Trent Lott.
For global peace.
Because Siddhartha Gautam was a proud son of Asia.
Because Bhrikuti was the Light of Asia and her father's eyes.
So Prince Paras may play more rounds of golf.
So Girija may sleep better at night, at 5 AM, at 3 in the afternoon, or whenever it is that he sleeps.
So Madhav Nepal may become Prime Minister in 2015 or thereafter.
So Baburam Bhattarai may register his Note of Dissent without having to fear Protective Custody and Purification.
So Prachanda may sound intelligent.
So King G can be seen and heard at the same time.
So there can be peace in Palestine.
And in Punjab.
And Kashmir.
And Sudan.
And Tora Bora.
And Baghdad.
And Chicago.
So man may go to the moon, again, and women may rejoice.
So Hridayesh Tripathy can pay Rajendra Mahato's phone bill and Rajendra Mahato can pay Rameshwar Ray Yadav's phone bill and Rameshwar Ray Yadav can pay Badri Mandal's phone bill and Badri Mandal may rejoice.
Just because.
Because I told you so.
To enlighten Manmohan Singh on matters of economic importance.
To boost Laloo Yadav's kulhar scheme.
To boost the Rajib Gandhi Yuba Rojgar Yojana.
To perform for peace.
For planetary peace and progress.
So Girija may inaugurate the historic Tibet bus service and take credit.
So the menace of constipation may be tackled.
To wage war on mosquitoes to provide relief for patriotic Madhesis.
To place a phone call to Mao and see if he can do anything about Prachanda.
To call Kim Jong Ill.
To call Stalin and say it is urgent.
To build an international airport in Biratnagar so Girija may fly in and out more frequently.
So Sujata Koirala can go home to be with Daddy.
So Mahara may look and wonder.
So Rabindra Mishra and Baburam Bhattarai may go at it again.
To send a peace mission to Lhasa.
So as to call Mao, say it is urgent.
So Gagan Thapa may have the time and blade to shave.
So pickpockets may be released and politicians exported.
So Bijay Kumar gets to interview Amitabh Bachchan to revive his flagging career.
So CK Lal may write and be done with it.
So Hem Bahadur Malla and his wife can contest elections again.
For peace and security.
So Pyar Jung Thapa and his boys can "go home."
So as to facilitate Bidya Bhandari's defeat of Krishna Prasad Bhattarai.
Look at the law and order situation.
To form a committee to look into the law and order situation and make recommendations.
To form a Royal Commission to Create Corruption to neutralize its evil twin.
Remember Pajero?
Why are there only a dozen members in the cabinet, as if the country had a scarcity of talent!
To implicate Hindi-speaking, Dhoti-kurta-wearing, Paan-chewing Sadbhavana workers in false cases.
To control ganja in Siraha.
So Prachanda may go back into the jungle from his suburban office setting.
I told you so.
Because Girija says so.
Just because.
Look at the poverty and despair in the country.
To form a committee to look into the poverty and despair in the country.
So Girija may raise an army, become a rival warlord, and hijack another plane.
For the sake of stability, dang-gone-it!
So the Nepalis the world over can feel proud again.
To coordinate signature campaigns with DC protestors.
So Girija has something he can dissolve.
So Deuba has something he can dissolve.
So Manmohan or his designate has something he or she can dissolve.
To conduct fresh polls for a new century.
So Uttar Ram Tamata can go back to a more private life in the Kathmandu suburbs.
To pay the price for democracy on a monthly basis: there is no such thing called a free lunch.
So the Chinese have something to envy.
So street protests may resume and democracy revitalized.
To take a second look at Baburam's 40-point generalities and vague statements.
To conduct peace talks with the Maoists, the Gorkha National Liberation Front, the LTTE, Arafat, and Republicans Against Foreign Aid And Abortions in DC.
To resume the FM radio business.
For press freedom and to press for freedom.
To conduct peace talks with King Jigme Sigme Wangchuk.
To never again send 50 police officers to arrest Deuba even if he might be absconding.
To send 25 commandos to go after Prachanda and another 25 to rescue Baburam.
So the World Hindu Federation may go conquer the world.
To ban use of RNA soldiers as domestic servants, instead encourage use of dishwashers, washing machines, rice-cookers and inter-caste marriages.
To encourage female assertivity within marriages.
To train the army top brass in the joys of domestic work.
Just because there is no parliament in Bihar does not mean Nepal has to follow the lead.
For an image uplift.
To attract tourists.
So the Nepali people get reminded who and what they have been missing.
To eradicate poverty.
So Girija may plot revenge against Prachanda for killing a thousand of his party workers.
So it can be proven Girija has been right all along.
To derecognize RPP as the party of the Panches, and wash away memorie of exile.
To debate issues of national and international importance.
To hold press conferences and meetups.
To form a committe to make sense of the Maoist insurgency.
For peace of mind when a parliamentary session ends.
If Jesus can be resurrected, the parliament can be revived.

In The News

Nepal parties reject Maoist offer Times of India, India
Nepal to become transit point between China, India: official People's Daily Online, China
Kalapani issue must be resolved bilaterally: China Hindu
Nepal police arrest refugees demanding food Reuters AlertNet, UK
NEPAL: 100 days of the govt. complete failure say parties Asia Pacific Media Network, CA
NEPAL: 100 days successful says Govt Asia Pacific Media Network
Schools, colleges shut down in Nepal:- Webindia123
Four Nepal party leaders released Zee News
Students in Nepal strike to oppose army firing in college Press Trust of India, India
Protest against the seizure of student body's office Press Trust of India
US Urges Nepal To Respect Human Rights While Combating Rebels All American Patriots (press release), Sweden
Parties announce protests in Nepal Xinhua, China
The King And Mao INSN
King's 100 Days INSN
Open Letter To Rocca INSN
Seven Party Statement INSN
Nepal: Between A Rock And A Hard Place INSN
RCCC & International Law INSN
Siraha Fightings INSN

Thursday, May 12, 2005

Baburam: Prachanda's Best Bet, Litmust Test, And Only Option

Prachanda's recent mistreatment of Baburam shows the Maoist party is a dictatorial organization that allows no dissent in opinion. Worse, it shows the Maoists are not capable of a transformation that will allow them a soft landing so they could become one of the largest parties within a democratic, progressive multi-party framework.

My beeline to the Maoists has always been based on the past positions of the Maoists themselves. In recent memory it is the Maoists who have brought forth the idea of a Constituent Assembly. Noone else was talking about it. Even now most others are not. So when I talk Constituent Assembly, I am borrowing a Maoist line.

Let's assume the Maoists mean it when they say Constituent Assembly, that it is not a tactical move to their ultimate goal of a communist dictatorship. The thing is, they are not in any position to make any such tactical move. They are not going to be able to fool anyone even if they tried.

So the Maoists better mean it when they say Constituent Assembly. The last, recent, nationwide, scientific polls (What The People Feel by Krishna Hachhethu) conducted show the majority of Nepalis want to retain a Constitutional Monarchy. So if you are for a Constituent Assembly, you pretty much are going to agree to the verdict of this poll. Which means

, the Maoists are going to have to come around to the idea of a Constitutional Monarcy. Now. The polls also show overwhelming support for a multi-party democracy. There is minuscule support for an absolute monarchy, and even less for a communist dictatorship.

So if you are for a Constituent Assembly, Prachanda, you are basically saying you are for (1) Constitutional Monarchy, and (2) Multi-Party Democracy. That is not me putting words in your mouth. That is me hearing you right. That is if you are being honest when you say you are for a Constituent Assembly.

And if you are for a multi-party democracy, you basically are agreeing to move away from the central organizing principle of your organization, that power flows through the barrel of a gun. You and your team are going to have to revise your ideology, and come up with something new: Power flows through the ballot box.

That ideological shift will have to be made. And the person among your ranks best able to do it will be Dr. Baburam Bhattarai. So you need to

release Baburam from "protective custody" and discontinue the "purification" operation you are subjecting him to, and stop blaming him for your recent military defeats. He is not the reason for the tough times you are going through.

That will be your litmus test. If you can not treat Baburam right, forget teaming up with the democrats. Not going to happen.

But then Constitutional Monarchy can mean many different things. If you allow a progressive transformation of your organization, you will become a major force that makes sure the Constitutional Monarchy gets devoid of all political power.

I have been circulating this proposed constitution, and I hope to get back on my phone marathons soon, faxing people around, emailing. This document is a broad framework. All political players on stage, including you, are being encouraged to give your feedback and criticism. What do you like? What do you not like? This is already the most progressive of any constitution I know on the face of the planet. It can be made more so, with your participation and help.

But first, release Baburam. And both of you get down to work.

Or you could continue down the track you are on. That path leads to the Gonzalo fate for you. The noose has been tightening around you. It might actually end up being worse for you. Because if the progressive transformation is achieved without your participation, your political and social thunder will already have been stolen, and the democrats, all of whom are mighty angry at you in the first place, will not feel any need to collaborate with you. Basically what I am saying is you are under tremendous time pressure.

Option 1 leads to you possibly becoming a Deputy Prime Minister in an interim government. If you can fundamentally transform all your cadres for work for peaceful organization and party building, heck, you could even become Prime Minister on your own after elections.

Option 2 leads to oblivion and worse. Even with a military takeover of the country - totally impossible - you will not be able to offer the Nepali people anything better or more than this progressive constitution will be able to. So why not skip a few steps, and make sure you are still politically relevant in 2015!

I guess the choice for you is between history and hell. Get Baburam out and get him working and get into the history books. That is what I suggest.

This is what I see happening:

You ideologically transform yourself to the point the central dictum of your organization is Power Flows Through The Ballot Box within a framework of this progressive constitution. Then nothing prevents a partnership between your organization and the democrats. But the transformation comes first.
Both you and Baburam get berths in an interim government.
You disarm all your cadres, and retrain them to become the best organizers of any party in the country to see if you can become the largest party. I think it possible.
No, they are not going into the army, instead the army itself is to be downsized so there is more money for education and health. Instead of getting salaries from the army, your workers should seek to get their salaries as elected officials.
Funny. If you become Prime Minister, you find yourself Commander-In-Chief!

Madhesi Rights: Abhi Nahin To Kabhi Nahin

I feel the Sadbhavana has been making two mistakes.

One is the party's continued split. The personality clash between Tripathy and Mandal continues unabated. Mandal is Tripathy's Deuba. It must be said that it is harder for members of powerless groups to exhibit unity. The tendency is towards disintegration, to falling easy prey to the power structure, to getting used by the adversaries. This non-communication might be a microcosm of the larger reality in the country. The Maoists are not talking with the other camps either.

The second is the Sadbhavana going along with the big dogs like the Congress and the UML without bargaining for a new political set-up. The 1990 constitution has to go. The Sadbhavana has to realize that. After all, it is the party that burnt the document some time in the 19

90s. Now the precondition for peace in the country is something the party has wanted all along but curiously has put on the backburner when it needs to put forward the most.

Too many Bahuns in the big parties want somehow to go back to the old order. The sooner they realize that is not possible, the sooner the country will see peace. Parties like the Sadbhavana help the cause of peace by getting assertive with their social agenda.

The crisis in the country is also impacting the social dynamic between the component socia

l groups all the way to the diaspora. That rethink is a good thing. Old social thought patterns need to be dissolved to make way for new ones.

I was delighted to hear yesterday of the formation of the ANTA, a kind of a social outfit for the Madhesis in the US. This is a sign of much-needed assertiveness. The echo has to be heard back in Nepal.

I expect to work closely through my personal contacts in the Sadbhavana to reach the rest of the parties with my proposed constitution. I don't know of any other blueprint in circulation that seeks common ground between all three parties to the conflict.

Sending A Message From Washington To Kathmandu, The Washington Post

By Nora Boustany

Wednesday, May 11, 2005; Page A14

Nepalese from across the United States will gather at LaFayette Square at noon Sunday to protest their monarch's revocation of democracy, press freedom and human rights. The gathering comes as many foreign governments are losing patience with King Gyanendra and his harsh tactics against a Maoist insurgency in the Himalayan nation.

Gyanendra suspended most democratic institutions in 2002 and declared absolute rule Feb. 1. Human rights activists, student leaders and politicians have been disappearing by the thousands as the military suppresses dissent and criticism of the palace, while pursuing the Maoists in the mountainous countryside with increasingly brutal force.

Sujata Koirala , a member of the Nepali Congress party and daughter of former prime minister G.P. Koirala , will be joining the protesters Sunday. She has direct experience with the violence in her country -- she was almost killed this winter when a bomb exploded at her house in Nepal. She blames the attack on the army.

Nepal's former ambassador to the United Nations, Murari Raj Sharma , will address the crowd. "People look over their shoulders before opening their mouths" in Nepal, he said in a statement. "They are frightened."

On Monday, Gareth Evans , president of the advocacy organization International Crisis Group, sent a letter to British Prime Minister Tony Blair , Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and U.N. Secretary General Kofi Annan , urging concerted action to restrict military aid to Nepal until democracy is restored.

After Gyanendra declared absolute rule, India and Britain suspended military assistance to the country of 25 million and broke off diplomatic relations. But the United States did not cut off its $22 million military aid package, which is used to purchase M-16 rifles and finance military intelligence training, among other things.

The letter from the International Crisis Group said conflict in Nepal has intensified since Feb. 1, with at least 655 people killed. State security forces "were responsible for at least 530 of those deaths, many apparently innocent civilians, and the Maoists have killed 125 people, many of these also civilians," the letter said.

"King Gyanendra's self-imposed 100-day deadline to restore order and lay out a road map for democracy and peace in Nepal will pass on 11 May, with only limited progress towards these aims," the letter said. The king officially ended absolute rule last week, but human rights groups say that arrests and killings continue.

Christina Rocca , U.S. assistant secretary of state for South Asia, arrived in Nepal Monday and is scheduled to meet Gyanendra to press for a return to democracy.

An advocacy director at Amnesty International, T. Kumar , urged Rocca "not to miss the opportunity to send a strong message to the king that the United States will not sit silently and provide any military assistance until restoration of human rights and democracy in Nepal."

Yesterday, after Rocca publicly called for the restoration of democratic liberties in Nepal, the government freed four detained opposition politicians and India said it would partially resume the military aid it had suspended, according to the Associated Press.

The insurgency dates to 1996, when Maoists bent on abolishing the established order, beginning with the monarchy, began a campaign in the countryside. They capitalized on disgruntlement with a system that had concentrated money, land and power in the hands of high-caste Hindus and a few tribal chiefs loyal to the monarch.

The rebels have extended their power by raiding police stations, seizing guns and extorting money from business owners. In the meantime, the king has struggled to respond. He dissolved parliament in 2002 and has fired three prime ministers, moves that are not sanctioned by the Nepalese constitution.

Today, Nepalese villagers are often trapped between the gun muzzles of insurgents who demand food and lodging, and soldiers who come looking for the rebels. Before the soldiers leave, they often line up farmers and execute them for suspected complicity, according to Dinesh Prasain , a human rights activist from Nepal.

"The army justifies its human rights violations by saying, 'Look how brutal the Maoists are,' and they are," Prasain said. "But since 1996, 12,000 people have died. The state security forces have killed close to 7,800 Nepalese while the Maoist rebels have killed about 4,200, a ratio of two to one." The figures have been documented by Human Rights Watch, Amnesty International, the United Nations and other organizations.

"We understand the role of the army is to fight the insurgency, but it also has to be accountable to the people of Nepal and respect human rights and international humanitarian terms and conditions," said Prasain, a sociologist.

Two million people have moved to neighboring countries as refugees, Prasain said. In February, he joined that list, fleeing to India with four members of his Collective Campaign for Peace, a coalition of 40 organizations. By his account, hundreds of activists continue to report on human rights violations through an underground network.

It remains risky work. Last Thursday, Gagan Thapa , a student leader, was snatched by police as soon he was released by court order. "They have this revolving-door system," said Prasain.

Now Prasain is in the United States, brought here by Nepalese Americans in an effort to raise awareness of the crisis in his country.

"I really would like to go back," he said, "but what good would I do in jail?"

May 12

No arms to Nepal now: US Xinhua
Nepal rebels offer support to parties against king Reuters AlertNet
At breakfast, allies to chew on Nepal Indian Express, India
‘Instability in Nepal has hit Indian investments’ Deccan Herald, India
'Decision to resume defence supplies to Nepal unacceptable' Hindu, India
'Releasing military supplies setback to democracy in Nepal':- Webindia123, India
"Whatever is in the pipeline for Nepal cannot be held back" Hindu, India
India offers to help Nepal restore political stability:- Webindia123, India
All the king's men Afternoon Dispatch & Courier
Nepal rebels in opposition offer BBC News, UK
Nepal: UN envoy concerned about health of detainees Hindu, India
India has vital stake in Nepal's security: PM Hindu, India
Only transport vehicles sent to Nepal, Govt tells Left parties Deccan Herald, India
Nepal govt claims success against Maoists Zee News
Nepal opposition parties criticized India's decision on arms ... Islamic Republic News Agency, Iran
Indian arms to Nepal will help monarchy Chennai Online, India
Four Nepal party leaders released Zee News
NEPAL: Government's 100 days in the eye of Nepali media Asia Pacific Media Network, CA
Nepal govt claims success against Maoists Zee News, India
After 100 days, Nepal is still a 'mess':- Webindia123, India
Kathmandu Valley census BBC News

May 11

Political Prisoners at Centre of Nepal Protest Scotsman, UK
US envoy meets Nepal king, presses on human rights Reuters AlertNet
Clash toll tops 46 in eastern Nepal People's Daily Online, China
37 killed, 3 dozen injured in Nepal fighting Xinhua
Maoists launch series of attacks Deccan Herald
NEPAL: Interview with Ian Martin, head of UN human rights ... Reuters AlertNet, UK
UN team has no mandate to mediate peace talks: Team chief Xinhua
Most Political Prisoners In Kharipati Are Sick INSN

Tuesday, May 10, 2005

Lifting Emergency: Was It A Major Step?

The political parties have called it an "eyewash," but I disagree. My big fear was the Monarchists might try to scrap the constitution and start afresh. But the lift shows the king might be stretching a few articles of the constitution but he is at least trying to adhere to it. That is good news.

So, yes, I think it was a major step. Not enough, but big enough. The fundamental rights have not been restored, political prisoners have not been released. But things would have been worse had the emergency not been lifted.

Plus, I don't think the king thought he could deceive anyone, least of all the international community on the issue for it to have been an eyewash. I think he is trying to send a signal. As in, here is a major positive step from my side, now your turn to reciprocate. I don't think he ever thought the lift will fool the foreign powers into thinking democracy is back.

I understand the political parties are the ones who are having to bear the brunt of 2/1. So I understand their impatience. But it might not be such a good idea to be totally dismissive. Instead, perhaps the lift was a positive step in the right direction, but the king has still a few major steps to take.

The three "horses" continue to pull in three different directions.

In The News

US talks democracy return in Nepal Calcutta Telegraph, India
It's official: India to send arms to Nepal Hindu, India
Nepal and the divine monarchy BBC News
THE LEADER ARTICLE: Nepal Bound And Gagged: India Should Get Tough ... Times of India
Koirala asks India not to resume arms supply to Nepal Zee News
Nepal: Hold the King to His Promises Reuters AlertNet, UK
Nepal situation still tense NDTV.com
NEPAL: Concern about food crisis speculation Reuters AlertNet, UK
Bista: Nepal, US have developed understanding to fight terrorism Gorkhapatra, Nepal
Communist rebels order closure of two luxury hotels in Nepal Macleans, Canada
The European perspective Nepali Times

Sunday, May 08, 2005

Pradip Giri: DaMaJaMa

I just read this term coined in a Pradip Giri interview. DaMaJaMa. Dalit, Madhesi, Janajati, Mahila. I am impressed. The guy is going places.

Political Economy And Social Movements by Arjun Karki ..... Most analysts, particularly foreign, have tended to treat the Maoists as terrorists, insufficiently appreciating the social conditions which have given rise to a range of social movements from below...... more than 81% of the labour force is engaged in agriculture and close to 90% of Nepalese people live in rural areas...... nearly 99% of the total investment in Nepalese agriculture is made in land, human and animal labour and primitive equipment and only 1% in modern means of production..... exposing a significant proportion of rural people to acute livelihood and rights vulnerabilities..... archaic and repressive sociopolitical structures and from outside by its particular relationship with India through which global forces are mediated..... some large absentee landowners still covertly hold large areas of land.. likely to be senior government officials, members of the Rana nobility and other representatives of upper castes..... 8% of Nepalese are totally landless and of those who have land, 65% are poor peasants owning only 10% of land. In the terai, big landlords, owning more than 10 hectares each, control more than half the land....... primarily ‘owner-cultivators', tenant and tenant-cum-owner cultivators who own small pieces of land, produce for their own consumption and depend largely on family or exchange labour, parma , within their own communities. However, in some cases they employ occasional and permanent labourers such as haliya , kamaiyas and haruwas ....... the vulnerable people who gain access to some land can still be tied to landowners through usury and bonded labour conditions...... Golchha, Dugar, Chaudhary and Jyoti groups and some members of the royal family....... manage big commercial farms and tea estates, grow off-season vegetables and run cut-flower businesses exclusively for the market...... the upper level leadership of all the political parties, including the Communists, is dominated for the most part by the landed class. This landed gentry not only controls politics and bureaucracy but also industries such as hotels, tourism, carpets, garments and trade...... they serve not the interest of Nepalese people and nation, but the transnational corporate regime as traders, businessmen, industrialists and commission agents...... Nepalese merchant capital has been transformed into comprador capital instead of developing into national industrial capital and thus does not play a progressive social role..... mentality of the upper social classes continues to be feudal.... Despite political changes in 1951, 1960 and 1990, the basic structure of the state has remained unchanged. The role of the state has been to maintain internal security and appropriate the surplus produced by peasants and other social classes in the form of taxes to maintain the state apparatus and continued control of the ruling classes...... ordinary people in Nepal never had an opportunity to become thalu or thulo manchhe even after the restoration of multiparty democracy...... 60% of the former pancha , who ruled Nepal for 30 years under the autocratic panchayat prior to 1990, had joined Nepali Congress, the ruling party of Nepal, 20% joined the CPN (UML), ML and Sadbhawana parties with the rest in the Rastria Prajatantrik Party...... The legislature of Nepal consists of the king, the House of Representatives and the National Assembly called the Parliament...... most candidates for the parliamentary election are selected by party bosses and party bureaucrats as per the interests of the party ‘sponsors' and thus show little practical accountability to the people who elect them....... most judges are sons and daughters of big landowners and merchants and other ruling elites...... Occasionally, they are publicly criticised for their proximity to mainstream political parties and corruption...... most junior police and military officials are sons and daughters of poor and oppressed middle peasantry, senior officials of the military and police are usually related to the members of the royal family and belong to the upper castes such as Rana, Shah and Thakuri....... Those who are loyal to the ruling elites are sent to the accessible urban centres and lucrative places for corruption and bribery. But those without ‘connections' are packed off to more problematic sites such as Maoist insurgency areas..... the police officials killed in the Maoist insurgency come from poor and oppressed social classes who are themselves already exploited by their own bureaucracy...... the district forest office. In the name of protecting forests, aided by police and military, they are often involved in the eviction and exploitation of landless settlers, bonded labour and other poor peasants whose livelihood depends upon forest products and resources. They engage in logging forest products in partnership with other rural elites and their accomplices...... the entire system is corrupt, and ordinary people have little hope from the state machinery for ensuring equity, justice and sustainable rural livelihoods...... after the restoration of multiparty democracy in 1990, the number of NGOs significantly increased, from 10 in 1960, to 37 in 1977, 193 in 1989, and to 10,555 in April 2000...... Many ‘inactive' NGOs are initiated by senior politicians and government bureaucrats in order to secure foreign funds for their own vested interest rather than deal with socioeconomic and political challenges. Those active in the remote villages for building or supporting people's organizations rarely enjoy good relations with the state machinery...... Their efforts are seen as donor-driven and supply-led, implemented without a proper understanding of the forces that create and perpetuate poverty and injustice in Nepal...... Donor assisted NGOs are often considered as agents that promote globalization and the opening up of the Nepalese economy and market in the interest of global financial regimes...... most foreign aid to Nepal poured in to promote human rights and democracy, it failed to ensure either..... foreign aid, constitutes a major instrument to escape the low income, poor savings and low investment trap ...... 1846, 1950 or 1990 – India's role was central..... ongoing Maoist ‘people's war', have taken shelter in India...... More than one-third (35%) of foreign direct investment originates from India, followed by the USA (18%)...... India exercises more control in Nepal than any other South Asian country..... combined failure of both the state and political parties which explains the growing hold of radical social movements from below.
An Unavoidable Force by Hari Roka ...... livid realists drawing outlandish comparisons between the Nepali Maoists and the Khmer Rouge..... the same people who denounce Nepali Maoism as a primitive ideology have no enlightened comments to offer on the primitive institution of Nepali monarchy..... T he complete takeover has surprised most observers of Nepal, including the political class, diplomats and journalists. Even after eight weeks, the king's motivations have not been grasped in their entirety....... There were no recent stunning Maoist military victories on the battlefields of rural Nepal to provoke any immediate concern in the palace-military bloc. If anything, the two sides had long since ceased to engage each other in any major military encounter....... the king's measure was driven in large part by the steady acceptance of two crucial Maoist demands within the political over-ground..... mechanical thinking on the part of the two major political parties...... Till then they had held fast to the belief that the main danger to their existence came from the Maoists..... T he Nepali Congress had launched two ferocious and unrestrained police attacks on the underground that invited inevitable retribution. The CPN-UML believed that the retaliatory elimination of NC cadres would strengthen them at the expense of the latter...... NC believed that the CPN-UML base would eventually be weakened the most....... pleading with the king to unleash the army on the underground. This came at a heavy price because the deployment of the army was made contingent on the surrender by parliament of its sovereignty through the imposition of emergency, the abrogation of civil rights and the dissolution of civic institutions...... Deuba that was most oriented to a military solution because it had the least presence among the masses...... the palace and the military were in no mood to be restrained by the limiting provision of the constitution. Instead, the king chose to invoke the overriding provision in the constitution by which he could constitutionally make constitutionality defunct...... the Kathmandu intelligentsia who denounced the idea of the constituent assembly merely because the Maoists had raised it...... leaders of the student wings of the Nepali Congress and CPN-UML raised the banner of the republic for the first time in the political overground. At this point the Maoists had won their second ideological victory in the mainstream of the Nepali polity...... The lure of ‘appointed power' destroyed the unity of the moderate opposition....... the views of the NC and CPN-UML cadres were no longer in sync with that of their leaderships..... The moment the overground was contaminated with the one Maoist demand that threatened the monarchy with extinction, the parties became irrelevant to the palace and were promptly discarded........ the conservative tabloid Nepali Times...... The king has provided the political forces the impetus for aligning against the palace...... Unless a strategic alliance is forged between the Maoists and the mainstream political formations, neither side will achieve the minimum conditions for success...... T he Maoists have indicated their willingness for such an alliance but the top level leaderships of the parliamentary parties are yet to respond. It is not clear whether they will seize the opportunity or squander it. Indications are that they have not learned much from their own tragic history. The CPN-UML has said nothing at all except to call for a struggle against autocracy, not monarchy. And Girija Prasad Koirala has said nothing more than what he has been repeating tirelessly and pointlessly for the last three years – that the defunct parliament in which he commanded the largest single bloc should be revived.
The Monarchy And Democracy In Nepal the monarchy is an independent variable which affects all the other political variables. Monarchy is not under serious questioning...... Kathmandu-centrism. The elected MPs started settling in Kathmandu, irrespective of where they were elected from...... There are various models in practice in Europe, but we ended up adopting the British model...... representative democracy ..... more participatory democracy as is being practised in the Scandinavian countries ..... monarchy itself is the real barrier to democratisation in this country..... failure of the political parties to democratise themselves..... The draft prepared by the constitutional commission was revised by the palace. The provision of referendum on key national questions was not included in the final version...... We had thought then that since there is a wave of democratisation everywhere, the king couldn't conspire again.'...... The 1990 constitution did not keep the king within the constitutional boundary. It is an ambiguous constitution..... 1990 happened to work for the people. Roads, electricity, education will develop in their time but we could not address people's basic needs, in particular the needs and expectations of dalits and janajatis....... ‘If any difficulty arises in connection with the implementation of this Constitution, His Majesty may issue necessary Orders to remove such difficulty and such Orders shall be laid before Parliament.'....... the case of Holeri where the army did not follow the order from the PM.'...... Was it not Man Mohanji who went to the palace and requested the king to stop the dissolution of the parliament when Girija Babu dissolved it? ..... The Nepali Congress and UML are the main parties who have structures throughout the country. But their attention is towards the king. They are conservative in making budgetary allocations to the local government and the devolution of power...... The Maoists do not seem sincere on social transformation. They have only used the people from lower level politically...... Our party itself does not have a clear vision. Struggle for what? ..... The political parties also function like the administrative system – the leaders operate as if they are the bosses. They consider people only as clients and voters. We need to work towards building an active citizenry.'...... Leadership in Nepal is status-quoist in action though revolutionary in party documents ...... Nepal Congress abandoned the issue of constituent assembly in 1958..... ‘The Maoists are against the constituent assembly… if the Maoists are serious they should first bind the monarchy constitutionally.' ...... literacy rate has gone up from 26 per cent in 1990 to 52 per cent now ..... The king has no courage to throw the constitution into the gutters...... The Maoists first banned the activities of political parties and then the parties gradually vacated the villages. So all the space became vacant for the Maoists...... The king has kept caste differences functioning for his own interests. The tradition of washing the feet of the king is still being kept..... King Mahendra destroyed forests and the environment in 1960. He resettled people in the hills of the terai so that the madhesis will not come up...... one costume, one language, one king and queen and one country ..... The present constitution of Nepal does not accept the notion of a minority...... We have not been able to internalise democracy. We still think that the king is powerful. We have the Maoists who are also emerging as a powerful force...... Many a time bills passed by parliament did not come back from the palace, but the parliament did not ask about it....... a need to get rid of unwritten privileges.'..... This is why people are not participating well in the movement of the agitating political parties. This movement has to be democratised....... People were made into “consumers” of democracy. The local issues were marginalized.....
Interview: Pradeep Giri The movement in 1990 was a sudden and spectacular success..... their ideological perspective as well as organisational structures remained weak and support base narrow, consisting essentially of students, youth and activists..... assess the democratic parties in terms of larger systemic factors and not merely the conduct and competence of leaders..... They thought that the invisible hand of the market could take care of the aspirations of people while they would rest and recuperate after the long innings in jail and in exile....... cannot be compared with parties in evolved political contours of western societies. They are a new phenomena in a land for long ruled by kings and generals and dominated by a feudal patriarchal mindset....... The Khas elite, which comprises of upper castes of the hills, have dominated the country since its inception..... Dalits, women and ethnic groups have been empowered for the first time. Support for the Maoists emanates from these groups...... The Maoists also have a good chance of being accepted provided they look more like a political party and less like a martial outfit...... Masses are usually apathetic till the last hour. They come forward to tilt the balance in the final stages. It is the cadre and the leadership, particularly the middle-rung activists who will play the most important role. They serve as the link between the top rung and the masses. Such a strata is already active in Nepal. Once the central leadership arrives at a clear and common goal the movement will take off...... the Maoists are also a product of democracy. Young girls today refuse to be sold in brothels of Bombay and are instead taking up arms to fight. This is a move forward....... The Maoists must realise that if they remain where they are now politically, they will reach nowhere...... The parties happily basked in the glory of a powerless office and the Maoists mistook this office for power and attacked them...... parties should not expect Maoists to come praying for amnesty ..... He will buckle under the same pressure that has forced sultans, Ceasers and czars out across the world. A popular mass upsurge ...... Gyanendra survives at the mercy of the army elite and international forces..... I am wary about how long international pressure can be sustained. They don't have an accurate understanding of the reality..... he can surrender his powers to an interim government ..... Forming a constituent assembly is the only way out of the present predicament ..... no proposed solution to the problems of Nepal can ignore or bypass the Maoists. The Maoists are committed to participating in elections to a constituent assembly ...... The Nepali people do not need a monarch. It is the monarch who is fighting to survive..... Affirmative action is essential for what I call the ‘ Damajama '– Dalits, Madhesis or the people of the Terai, Janjati or the ethnic groups and Mahila....... We need to combine the insights of Marxism with the inviolable values of liberal democracy.
What The People Feel by Krishna Hachhethu .....‘king in council of ministers' in 1951, a combination of ‘sovereign monarch and elected parliament' in 1959, and recently ‘king in parliament' in 1990 ..... ‘The days of monarchy being seen but not heard, watching the people's difficulties but not addressing them and being a silent spectator to their tearstained faces are over.' ...... initiating a system of executive monarchy in contravention of the 1990 Constitution...... parties and leaders concentrated more on power politics and self-aggrandizement, breaching democratic values and norms, which in turn contributed to an intensification of political instability, anarchy and chaos...... between July 1994 and October 2002. The House of Representatives was dissolved six times, special sessions of the parliament were summoned seven times, and the government changed 12 times..... intensification of power-centric intra-party conflicts, defiance of party whips, disintegration of parties, horse trading of members of parliament, manipulation of constitutional loopholes, political intervention by the palace and the court...... 61% of the respondents feel that people do not enjoy equal rights; 58% feel that everyone is not free to speak one's mind. Even the minimal achievement of democracy in ensuring that the people have the power to change the government they do not like is doubted by as many as 41%........ courts scored highest at 30% respondents expressing very high trust in the institution, followed by the election commission (26%), local government (25.5%), army (25.5%), police (21%), civil servant (21%), central government (19.5%), parliament (17%), and political parties (14%)....... Nearly two-thirds of Nepali citizens stuck to democracy, with only 10% prepared to accept dictatorship in some situations; 28% said democracy or dictatorship did not make a difference to them ...... level of support for democracy in Nepal is comparable to that in a long-standing democracy like India and is much higher than many countries of Latin America..... 64% ‘strongly agreed' that the ‘country should be governed by the people chosen by fair elections', only one-fourth ‘strongly agreed' that the ‘country should be governed by the king.' The figure was even lower, only 11%, for army rule......... (79%), affirmed the suitability of democracy in Nepal...... When asked to choose what they liked most about a democracy, 68% chose freedom to speak and act, something they have been denied by the imposition of emergency in the country...... the king's intervention of 4 October 2002 ..... 84% surveyed Nepali citizens observed that things got ‘bad' or ‘very bad' after this intervention ...... 63% chose constitutional monarchy while the remaining were split between the 22% who preferred executive monarchy and the 15% who wanted a republic...... a clear residue of yearning for king's rule among the less privileged sections of society: among women, rural dwellers and the less educated....... support for abolition of monarchy goes up with education and exposure and reaches 29% among the highly educated...... the support for executive monarchy declines sharply with age: 35% of the elders support this idea while only 18% of the young and middle aged respondents are for an executive monarchy...... A majority of respondents, who come up with definite answers, suggested the need for a round table conference, an interim government including the Maoists, and a new constitution....... opinion in favour of a ‘round table conference' is distinctly high, as 69% opted for it. Some 22.5% respondents suggested new election of the HoR. Only a thin minority of 5.5% respondents favoured a reinstatement of the dissolved HoR....... 68% men and 71% women, and 70% villagers and 66% urban dwellers stamped on ‘a round table conference'....... a greater support to the round table conference than a fresh election of the HoR...... Choice to ‘round table conference' stepped up from 66% in hill to 72% in terai to 80% in mountain...... Support to the round table conference climbed up distinctly with the increase in education, from 60.5% (literate) to 70% (school level education) to 75% (higher level education)....... close to half the respondents (49%) favoured the formation of an interim government including the Maoists. 29% respondents were in favour of a new elected government. Those who stood for all-party government consisted 20.5%....... (51%) favoured framing a new constitution ...40% respondents suggested amendment of the constitution. Those who stood for retention of the present constitution without any amendment was very thin, a mere 9%....... Among the surveyed Nepali citizens who subscribed to a new constitution, the overwhelming majority (76%) supported the election of a constituent assembly....... accepted in terai by a substantial majority of 76%, followed by 74% in the hill region, and 50% in the mountain...... To overcome the nine-year long armed conflict, Nepali voters (among those who come up with a definite answer) suggested, by a clear majority, to go for a round table conference, interim government including the Maoists, and a constituent assembly ......... The king's claim to represent popular will and aspirations in the royal proclamation is not backed by any of the known and reliable instruments of public opinion like free and fair elections or a referendum...... survey offers little evidence to support the king's presumption about popular will...... King Gyanendra's action of 1 February is not quite in line with, if not directly opposed to, the way the people of Nepal think....... the coming days will be hard for the king.
The Future Of Democracy by Krishna Khanal The Nepali Congress (NC), which was instrumental in bringing democracy to the country, had functioned from neighbouring India and had little organizational network within the country...... the country failed to evolve coherent institutional behaviour, compatible practices, able leadership and a political culture....... By 2000, the Maoists were on parity with the state, with their parallel rule in many districts...... the country faced acute problems of governance with growing corruption at the political level, governmental instability and leadership failure – leading to an internal breakdown of the system...... he allowed a situation to develop in which the constitutional process could not proceed....... indicators of democracy – participation, authorization, representation, accountability, transparency, responsiveness and solidarity ....... revival of absolute monarchy, irrespective of form, cannot be sustained. Nor can the one-party authoritarianism advocated by the Maoists...... a federal versus unitary state, monarchy versus the republic, Westminster parliamentary model of government versus some form of accommodative or consociational arrangement, proportional representation, multilingual policy, secularism, ethnic autonomy with the right to self-determination, framing a new constitution through an elected constituent assembly...... Until recently such voices were not only considered irrelevant but ‘primordial' and ‘parochial' by a hidebound political mainstream of both the establishment and opposition. But now these issues are expressed in the policy and programmes of all major political parties, including the government....... 100 ethnic and caste categories and 92 languages ...... Chhetri and Brahman, which comprise 15.80 and 12.74% ...... 59 officially identified ethnic groups ..... Out of 92 languages recorded by the 2001 Census, up to 12 have less than 1% speakers each...... Nepali ... 48.61% ...... Although they collectively make above 7% of the total population, dalits too are internally divided. The largest sub-category, Kami, alone makes up more than half the hill dalit population and is also comparatively better off in socioeconomic terms than the other dalits....... adibasi/janjati (i.e. the original settlers) comprise 59 groups: 18 in mountains, 24 in hills, 6 in inner terai and 11 in terai...... estimated at 36.4%. The largest of them are Magar (7.14%) in the hill and Tharu (6.75%) in terai...... Madhesi is an ethno-regional identity of the terai people .... make over 31% of the total....... Madhesi, which comprises 54 groups, both caste and ethnic....... three broad ethno-regional categories – parbatiya/khas, mongol/ kirat and madhesi. ... none of these groups makes a majority ...... Hindu (80.6%), Boudha (10.7%), Islam (4.2%), Kirant (3.6%), Christian (0.5%), Sikh (0.0%), Jain (0.0%) and others (0.4%)........ Kirant, first time enumerated as a separate religion, constituted 1.7%....... Some ethnic groups, such as Magar, Rai, Limbu, previously treated as Hindu, have now dissociated themselves from Hinduism as their religion....... undergoing an unprecedented assertion of ethnic, lingual, religious and cultural identities and rights........ current state, in effect an ‘instrument of dominance' by the hill high-caste Hindus ...... crux of recent ethnic, dalit and madhesi activism and demand for state restructuring is aimed at ending the ‘established pattern of dominance'...... contradictions and weaknesses, both systemic and extra systemic.... Unlike in many other constitutional monarchies, the king of Nepal was solely empowered to amend or repeal the law relating to succession that nothing in the constitution would ‘affect the custom, usage and tradition relating to the order of succession to the throne by the descendants of His Majesty'....... Although there is separate ministerial portfolio for palace affairs, the palace secretariat, which is responsible to the king alone, functions independently of the government administration...... It has been demanded that the private property of King Gyanendra be made public and those of the late king, Birendra, nationalized...... All through the constitution-making process, he repeatedly tried to assert an independent role...... some of the crucial recommendations of the original draft, such as the provision for referendum for changing the basic structures of the constitution were dropped and many ambiguous provisions retained which later created problems....... Against the provision and spirit of the constitution, the king started exercising his discretion to nominate members to the National Assembly from 1993....... he began to consult the Supreme Court even on such issues like the dissolution of the House of Representatives, assent to bills passed by the parliament and, in later years, sacking and appointing the prime minister at his own discretion...... Although the king took recourse to Article 127 of the constitution as justification, his action is difficult to reconcile with the provisions and spirit of the constitutional system. The present king seems determined to claim a role above normal practices of a constitutional state, barely concealing his contempt for party politics and desire to prevail politically....... Under a non-functioning public administration, politics became corrupt and stagnant. With political leaders seen as weak and compromising...... The majority government of the NC in 1991 failed to survive a full tenure, unable to manage the relationship between the government and party executive and to resolve conflicts....... The UML, which had emerged as the largest party in the house, instead of trying to make a coalition with other parties and ensure stability, opted for forming a minority government of its own....... fluid parliamentary equations expedited both corruption and degeneration of parliamentary norms...... misuse of government funds for appeasing MPs, distributing privileges, amassing of personal property, and other similar instances of corrupt practices shattered people's faith in political leadership....... Nepal faced an all-round failure of governance....... government soon began to withdraw banks, police posts and other agencies from the villages.... Those who differed with the Maoists were forced to abandon the villages and shift to secure places in the district headquarters or other urban centres...... Nepal tops the list of countries with people missing. Among 1430 cases of disappearance, the state is directly accountable for more than 1000...... Concomitant with the political class losing its grip, the security regime has expanded its hold over civilian life...... The supply of essential commodities, even food and medicine, has been regulated in the hill districts so that the Maoists may be denied access to them. Because of these steps, civilian life has only worsened – threat, extortion, torture, displacement, disappearances, rape and killings, have become a regular feature of people's lives in most parts of the country....... a ‘single scheme of Hindu caste universe' through a national code of social order...... Absolute monarchy, Nepali language, Hindu ethos and centralized politico-administrative structures were considered as the basic ingredients of national integration....... the local units of government were ill-equipped to govern and provide leadership...... The majoritarian model of representation continued to perpetuate the dominant caste groups' control over the politics and administration...... Although most of them have party-affiliated women, ethnic and dalit organizations, they cannot influence party policy and leadership structures. The aspirant women, ethnic and dalit leaders too remain loyalists rather than assert their role...... the house remains dominated by Chhetri and Brahman, who occupy more than 50% of the total seats ..... the ethnic groups remain dissatisfied, first because the local bodies have limited powers and are too dependant on the central authority for resources, which is again controlled by the dominant caste groups...... Instead of broadening inclusiveness of the polity through structural reforms as suitable to the multicultural diversity of the nation, the ruling elites under the democratic dispensation too resisted the aspirations for change........ ethnic and dalits groups have lost confidence in mainstream political parties and their movement is growing outside the party fold...... The Maoists call for the ‘right to self-determination' and ‘ethnic autonomous rule' has appealed to the sentiments of many ethnic and dalit communities. They were thus able to build alliances with these groups and form joint fronts against the state...... The rebellion, beginning with isolated incidents of violence in the remote villages of some mid-western and few other districts, has now grown into a full-scale nationwide insurgency...... Politically there exist differences of opinion among the political parties about the nature of the problem and strategies for its solution...... Even those who participated in the electoral process and won seats in parliament did not subscribe to the parliamentary system. The objective of their participation in the election was to ‘expose the weaknesses of bourgeoisie democracy' and continue the ‘revolutionary struggle' from the parliamentary front....... In the beginning their main targets were the local cadres of Nepali Congress. Other parties, including the palace, were not threatened. Even within the ruling party, this remained a matter of concern only to those who held government positions....... The chief of army staff (COAS), demanded the ‘lasting and continuous political commitment of all the political parties and the entire citizenry' if the army were to be involved in the internal security and development plan ( Kantipur, 21 April 2001). There were several other instances of the army chiefs expressing reservations and criticizing the government and political parties for their failure to ensure peace and security pushing the state ‘towards dissolution'. Such an attitude raised suspicion as to whether the army had made an independent assessment or taken its cue from the king....... the army chief continued to attack the political parties and party leaders for their non-submission to military supremacy....... a Maoist takeover of the polity or a negotiated settlement seems unlikely in the immediate future...... 2001 and 2003. But on both occasions talks failed and after each interlude there was fierce fighting with the state losing further ground..... During the first round of negotiations the government insisted on a constitutional monarchy and reform within the limits of the 1990 Constitution (Wagle 2001). The second time it was prepared to rewrite the constitution, which implied the framing of a new constitution, but insisted on retaining a constitutional monarchy. It also ruled out the election of a constituent assembly because that could threaten the monarchy....... Nepal Sadbhavana Party and janjati parties along with various ethnic groups have opposed the unitary political structure and demanded a federal system since the very beginning of the 1990 Constitution....... The Communist Party of Nepal (Maoist) has pleaded for the right to self-determination and autonomy for various nationalities. Other major political parties are not even open to debate the idea of federalism in Nepal, ruling it out as divisive...... favouring hill high caste domination and depriving ethnic communities of their traditional territories, languages and culture, and subjugating them to a Hinduization process...... Though the Maoists stand for a republic, they are silent about the role and status of the monarchy. This seems to be deliberate and strategic because they want a new constitution to be framed by an elected constituent assembly, which would mean that the people would decide the fate of monarchy through elections. While responding to the Maoists during negotiations, the government came up with the proposal for constitutional changes, which also admitted several of the above points ( Kantipur , 18 August 2003). However, the government too was silent on such issues as autonomy, monarchy, army, secularism and referendum........ The major political parties are thus vague about ethnic issues and avoid any specific commitment to autonomy....... In multicornered contests between the major political parties, even a candidate securing about 20% of votes could be elected....... the king has not been willing to reconcile with the political parties and allow constitutional reforms. His strategy is to buy time and ensure that the monarchy is retained....... The Maoists want a round table conference of all parties, including the representation of the king and civil society...... Kathmandu-centric political structures can never be democratic and accountable in a true sense, and provide space for those groups who are at the periphery. As is evident, despite democratic experiments since 1990, the power structure that prevailed for centuries has not been transformed in any real sense......... Elections to a constituent assembly should not be ruled out simply because it has been demanded by the Maoists. It has now become a political necessity...... it is likely that the future constituent assembly will have a republican majority. Indeed, this seems to be a major fear of the monarchy which, with its command of the army, is least likely to accept a CA unless its continuity is assured....... It would be too idealist to expect a ruling monarch to allow a peaceful transition to a republic..... Reports from the Maoist-controlled areas also suggest that they show little tolerance for dissent. Unless the Maoists allow free political activities and normal civilian life in the areas of their control, such suspicion would remain and the negotiations become more difficult.... In Nepal, the extra-constitutional tendencies are high both in the extreme left and right political camps.....
Dateline: Nepal 1994 22 May: UPF splits into two groups, one led by Niranjan Govinda Vidya and another by Baburam Bhattarai (the Bhattarai group later turned into CPN-Maoist)..... 10 July: Dissolution of the HoR and recommendation for a mid-term poll by Prime Minister G.P. Koirala on account of defeat of the government's annual policy and plan in the parliament due to absence of 35 dissident MPs of the NC....... 10 August: Bhattarai group of the UPF decided to boycott mid-term election...... 1996 13 February: Formal launching of the Maoists' ‘people's war'...... 2001 19 July: Prime Minister Koirala resigns on account of non-cooperation by the army on the Holari incident..... 2002 22 May: PM Deuba dissolves the HoR and recommends a mid-term poll to which King Gyanendra promptly consents...... 3 October: PM S. B. Deuba, with the consent of parliamentary parties, recommends postponement of mid-term elections......
The Indian Media: Time To Introspect the collective astonishment at the royal move in India ..... more than Rs 300 crore worth of military aid to the RNA ...... The Times of India , The Indian Express , The Hindu , Outlook and Frontline between October 2002 and December 2004...... the media rarely went beyond official statements and issues of immediate concern to South Block. ..... rare to come across analytical pieces and editorials seeking to explain the movement and its various dimensions..... widespread poverty, discrimination and a state structure that thrives on exclusivity ...... Aid is believed to have strengthened those who advocate a purely military solution, undermined alternative modes of conflict resolution, further militarized society, besides increasing human rights violations. ...... no reports on the relationship between the king and the RNA, an aspect crucial to understanding the nature of the present coup ...... .................. people are arrested by the state without reason, without cause, with no recourse to justice, with no one outside knowing what may happen to the arrested person ..... Children are raped. Entire families are psychologically affected. ..... When a writ of habeas corpus is filed, the courts order a release. The person is released and rearrested. Then he disappears...... and extrajudicial killing are incidents, but torture in custody is not ..... The security forces executed a senior district leader of a party that was part of the coalition government before the 1 February coup. The party could not do anything about the matter........ The police and the armed police force was placed under the RNA in May 2003. It was made clear that charges of violations against the army would be investigated only by a human rights cell within the army. As a result, the RNA has been committing crimes against people, secure that it is itself both the investigating and adjudicating authority. ....... Doramba .. The judgement described the case as ‘a stray case of the boys occasionally making mistakes.' Who gave the orders is not known....... the RNA rewards the violators by promoting them and giving them more ‘challenging' briefs. The psychological scars of both the victims and the perpetrators will remain for the reconciliation and rehabilitation phase which today seems unimaginably distant. ..... Nepal is a signatory to an impressive line-up of international instruments. None of this has had any impact. ...... February 1 represents a logical next step in the move towards a full takeover of state power ..... Soon there will not even be any record of how many people were raped, killed, or taken into army barracks and disappeared. ...... Village defence forces (a revival of the US strategy during the Vietnam war) were created as early as 2001 ......The Maoists have reportedly killed 50 people in one month as ‘informers'....... Peace there will be in Nepal, only it will be the chilling silence of a mass grave.
Delhi mulls talks with Nepal rebels Calcutta Telegraph ..... Delhi is seriously thinking of opening a channel of communication with the Maoists, who according to estimates, are in control of nearly 75 per cent of the country...... Gyanendra has made it clear to Delhi and other world players that he was not willing to wilt under any diplomatic pressure and democracy in the country will be restored at a pace and time of his choosing.... even if India does not come to Gyanendra’s rescue, the armed rebels are not in a position to be able to take power in Nepal through force....... The leadership of the armed rebels has sent out clear signals in the past on establishing good relations with India......
Nepal's crown prince gets new image Times of India, India

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